Maria Kolesnikova: A Final Stand Of The Belarusian Resistance

The shocking, mid-flight capture of a dissident journalist brings new attention to the repression taking place in Belarus, where another prominent political prisoner Kolesnikova has been locked up for months.

 Maria Kolesnikova speaks into a megaphone during a rally in Minsk, August 17, 2020.
Maria Kolesnikova speaks into a megaphone during a rally in Minsk, August 17, 2020.
Thomas d'Istria

MINSK — Eight months before journalist Roman Protasevich was dragged from a commercial flight that Belarusian authorities essentially "hijacked," an even more prominent opponent of strongman Alexander Lukashenko's decades-old regime was seized in the middle of a street in Minsk by a group of masked men, presumably KGB agents.

Just before dawn the next day, the detainee — professional flautist and former presidential candidate Maria Kolesnikova — found herself at the Ukranian border with a decision to make: Would she do as her captors wanted and leave Belarus? Instead, the 39-year-old political dissident tore apart her passport, effectively choosing prison over exile.

"In all honesty, I wasn't surprised when I heard about what happened at the border," says Tatiana Khmomitch, the Warsaw-based sister of Kolesnikova.

Known for her prominent role in the wave of protests against President Lukashenko's recent and controversial re-election, Kolesnikova is now facing up to 12 years of prison on charges such as "conspiracy to seize power by unconstitutional means' and "creating and managing an extremist group."

Last month's shocking, mid-flight capture of a dissident journalist has reminded the world of the repression by the Belarus regime.

Kolesnikova's pre-trial detention period, which can be stretched out up to 18 months, has been extended repeatedly since the charges were brought. The latest extension, announced just two months ago, was supposed to end on May 8, but as her lawyers anticipated, Kolesnikova remains behind bars.

Tatiana Khmomitch helps maintain Kolesnikova's social media presence, keeping the public updated on how the political dissident is fairing behind bars. "I can see how much her courage inspires people," the sister explains.

She is currently sharing a 10-square-meter cell with a fellow prisoner.

From Warsaw, she is in charge of sharing brief posts on Facebook and Instagram about Kolesnikova's state of mind. "I can see how her courage inspires people," says Khmomitch, adding that her sister "remains very positive — she knows that this situation can't last forever."

Kolesnikova, a top-tier musician turned social activist, is now one of the nearly 400 political prisoners recognized by the Belarusian human rights organization Viasna. She is currently being held in a pre-trial detention center, sharing a 10-square-meter cell with a fellow prisoner. Kolesnikova is "only allowed to have direct contact with her lawyers," so her family is forced to communicate via the slow and unreliable mail system.

Maria Kolesnikova's involvement in the movement was facilitated by her relationship with Viktor Babaryko, the opposition's favored candidate for the Aug. 9, 2020 presidential election. The two met in 2018 when Kolesnikova was working as the artistic director of a cultural center he had helped develop. Though they had only known each other in this capacity, Babaryko would go on to offer her a communications position on his team.

Opposition activists carrying flowers in support of Maria Kolesnikova in Minsk, September 8, 2020 — Photo : Valery Sharifulin

The campaign started off by simply asking people to sign petitions. But as Ivan Kravtsov, who worked alongside Kolesnikova, explains: "The team prepared itself quickly for the possibility of Viktor being arrested." And part of their contingency plan, in that case, was for Kolesnikova to take over Babryko's candidacy

"We discussed various scenarios, and ultimately chose Maria because of her experience as a manager and her talent for bringing people together," says Kravtsov, a former architect who also know lives in Warsaw.

On June 18, 2020, their fears were realized: Viktor Babaryko was arrested on suspicion of fraud and money laundering, and he has been behind bars ever since. From there, an all-female trio of political opponents took form when the candidacies of Viktor Babaryko and Valeri Tsepkalo, another contender, were rejected by the electoral commission.

Maria Kolesnikova stayed, leaving her as the only opposition candidate still physically in the country.

In light of this development, people turned to Svetlana Tsikhanovskaya — the wife of imprisoned candidate Sergei Tsikhanovsky. But she and Maria Kolesnikova weren't the only women preparing to put up a fight against Alexander Lukashenko. Veronika Tsepkalo, Valeri Tsepkalo's wife, also decided to throw her hat in the ring.

When the results of the election came in, Svetlana Tsikhanovskaya secured just 10.9% of the vote, while Lukashenko, the sitting president since 1994, won 80.1% of the vote share, according to official reports.

Of the trio, Veronika Tsepkalo opted to go into exile the day before the election and Svetlana Tsikhanovskaya was forced to leave for Lithuania two days afterwards. But Maria Kolesnikova stayed, leaving her as the only opposition candidate still physically in the country. And she refused to back down, making prominent appearances at demonstrations and stirring up crowds.

"We knew we had to stay. But we were also waiting for the other shoe to drop," says Ivan Kravtsov.

He and Anton Rodnenkov were arrested the same day as Maria Kolesnikova. They were the last ones to see her in the buffer zone between Belarus and Ukraine. But when Kolesnikova tore her passport and climbed out of the car window, they decided to cross the border.

A woman holds a placard depicting Maria Kolesnikova during a rally in Kyiv, Ukraine, on 12 September 2020 — Photo : Str

Maria Kolesnikova has been rewarded for her bravery. She received both the Sakharov Prize, which was given in the fall of 2020 to all members of the opposition, and the International Women of Courage Prize by the U.S. State Department.

In Belarus, her rebellious personality continues to inspire the masses. Many Belorusian people feel encouraged by her patriotic decision to stay behind, and, for a while, people continued to celebrate her on social media. Buildings throughout the Belarusian capital were decorated with graffiti and murals in her honor. Maxim Shumilin, a photographic artist and friend of Kolesnikova since 2017, describes her as a woman who is "very empathetic...a musician, not a politician."

"Maybe that's why she's one of the main heroines of this struggle," the artists adds. "Because she is very human."

But since then, everything has changed, a reality brought into even further focus by the mid-air seizure, on May 23, of Roman Protasevich. While dreams of democracy in Belarus are still alive, systematic repression no longer allows protesters to mobilize. Anyone who shares social media posts critical of the regime or flies opposition flags in their living rooms is at risk of being arrested.

There are those who have given up, those who continue to fight for others, and those who are leaving.

Viasna reported at least 304 arrests in April alone. At the end of the month, the crackdown had become so severe that 20 people were arrested in a private steam room for "participating in a mass event not authorized by the authorities." Even the commemoration of the 35th anniversary of the Chernobyl nuclear disaster, set to take place on April 26, was banned. On the morning of the anticipated event, Belorusians awoke to find police officers deployed throughout the city, checking the contents of passersby's bags and searching through their cell phones for evidence of allegiance to the opposition.

The Protasevich case, which involved the use of a Belarusian fighter jet to force-land the plane on which the journalist was flying, brings the repression to even more alarming heights.

The words of one anonymous Belarusian protestor speak volumes: "There are those who have given up, those who continue to fight for others, and those who are leaving."

The man, who lives with his wife and children on the outskirts of Minsk, is convinced that he will be arrested at some point. "It could be today, it could be tomorrow. Either way, they will come."

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Erdogan And Boris Johnson: A New Global Power Duo?

As Turkey fears the EU closing ranks over defense, Turkish President Erdogan is looking to Boris Johnson as a post-Brexit ally, especially as Angela Merkel steps aside. This could undermine the deal where Ankara limits refugee entry into Europe, and other dossiers too.

Johnson and Erdogan in NYC on Sept. 20

Carolina Drüten and Gregor Schwung


BERLIN — According to the Elysée Palace, the French presidency "can't understand" why Turkey would overreact, since the defense pact that France recently signed in Paris with Greece is not aimed at Ankara. The agreement covers billions of euros' worth of military equipment, and the two countries have committed to come to each other's aid if they are attacked.

Although Paris denies this, it is difficult to see the agreement as anything other than a message, perhaps even a provocation, targeted at Turkey.

Officially, the Turkish government is unruffled, saying the pact doesn't represent a military threat. But the symbolism is clear: with the U.S., UK and Australia recently announcing the Aukus security pact, Ankara fears the EU may be closing ranks when it comes to all military issues.

What will Aukus mean for NATO?

Turkey has long felt left out in the cold, at odds with the European Union over a number of issues. Yet now President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is setting his sights on another country, which also wants to become more independent from Europe: the UK.

Europe's approach to security and defense is changing dramatically. Over the past few months, while the U.S. was negotiating the Aukus pact with Britain and Australia behind the EU's back, a submarine deal between Australia and France, which would have been worth billions, was scrapped.

The EU is happy to keep Erdogan waiting

Officially, Turkey is keeping its cards close to its chest. Addressing foreign journalists in Istanbul, Erdogan's chief advisor Ibrahim Kalin said the country was not involved in Aukus, but they hope it doesn't have a negative impact on NATO. However, the agreement will have a significant effect on Turkey.

"Before Aukus, the Turks thought that the U.S. would prevent the EU from adopting a defense policy that was independent of NATO," says Sinan Ülgen, an expert on Turkey at the Brussels think tank Carnegie Europe. "Now they are afraid that Washington may make concessions for France, which could change things."

Macron sees post-Merkel power vacuum

Turkey's concerns may well prove to be justified. Outgoing German Chancellor Angela Merkel always argued for closer collaboration with Turkey, partly because it is an important trading partner and partly because it has a direct influence on the influx of migrants from Asia and the Middle East to Europe.

Merkel consistently thwarted France's plans for a stricter approach from Brussels towards Turkey, and she never supported Emmanuel Macron's ideas about greater strategic autonomy for countries within the EU.

But now she that she's leaving office, Macron is keen to make the most of the power vacuum Merkel will leave behind. The prospect of France's growing influence is "not especially good news for Turkey," says Ian Lesser, vice president of the think tank German Marshall Fund.

Ankara fears the defense pact between France and Greece could be a sign of what is to come. According to a statement from the Turkish Foreign Ministry, the agreement is aimed "at NATO member Turkey" and is damaging to the alliance. Observers also assume the agreement means that France is supporting Greece's claims to certain territories in the Mediterranean which remain disputed under international law, with Turkey's own sovereignty claims.

Paris is a close ally of Athens. In the summer of 2020, Greece and Turkey were poised on the threshold of a military conflict in the eastern Mediterranean. Since then, Athens has ordered 24 Rafale fighter jets from France, and the new pact includes a deal for France to supply them with three frigates.

Photo of French President Emmanuel Macron and Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis on September 27 in Paris

French President Emmanuel Macron and Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis on September 27 in Paris

Sadak Souici/Le Pictorium Agency/ZUMA

Erdogan’s EU wish list

It's not the first time that Ankara has felt snubbed by the EU. Since Donald Trump left the White House, Turkey has been making a considerable effort to improve relations with Brussels. "The situation in the eastern Mediterranean is peaceful and the migrant problem is under control," says Kalin. Now it is "high time" that Europe does something for Turkey.

Erdogan's wish list is extensive: making it easier for Turks to get EU visas, renegotiating the refugee deal, making more funds available to Turkey as it continues the process of joining the EU, and moderniszing the customs union. But there is no movement on any of these issues in Brussels. They're happy to keep Erdogan waiting.

Britain consistently supported Turkey's ambition to join the EU

Now he is starting to look elsewhere. At the UN summit in September, Erdogan had a meeting with British Prime Minister Boris Johnson at the recently opened Turkish House in New York. Kalin says it was a "very good meeting" and that the two countries are "closely allied strategic partners." He says they plan to work together more closely on trade, but with a particular focus on defense.

 Turkey's second largest export market

The groundwork for collaboration was already in place. Britain consistently supported Turkey's ambition to join the EU, and gave an ultimate proof of friendship after the failed coup in 2016. Unlike other European capitals, London reacted quickly, calling the coup an "attack on Turkish democracy," and its government has generally held back in its criticism of Turkey.

At the end of last year, Johnson and Erdogan signed a new free trade agreement, which will govern commerce between the two countries post-Brexit. Erdogan has called it "the most important treaty for Turkey since the customs agreement with the EU in 1995."

After Germany, Britain is Turkey's second largest export market. "Turkey now has the opportunity to build a new partnership with the United Kingdom and it must make the most of it," says economist Ali Kücükcolak from the Istanbul Commerce University.

Erdogan is well aware of this, as Turkey is in desperate need of an economic boost. Inflation currently stands at 19%, and the currency's value is consistently falling. Turks are feeling the impact on their daily lives: food and rent are becoming increasingly expensive, while salaries remain unchanged.

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