Rue Amelot

Chinese Faith, When It Comes Time To Choose

Buddhist Monks in Hangzhou, China
Buddhist Monks in Hangzhou, China
Lisa Lane


TAIPEI I still recall the long journey I made in 1987 during my first visit in China, traveling in crammed buses with the smells of caged poultry on board. Through Guangzhou in Canton, and the famous mountain landscape of Guilin and Yangshuo in the southeast province of Guangxi, I recall being amazed that, for the entire week, I didn't see a single temple. At the same time, locations called, with a certain abrupt irony, "religious affairs offices' could be located in many of these desolate countryside towns.

As someone from Taiwan, where each village can count at least three or four shrines or temples dedicated to various co-existing folk beliefs, this absence really struck me. I'd grown up in a typical Taiwanese Buddhist family where venerating ancestors was as important as worshipping Buddha and all sorts of Gods and Goddess. Traditionally, even in mainland China before the Communists took over the power in 1949, Buddhism, Taoism and Confusianism is an aggregated concept, known as the "Three Teachings," which could mean visiting any passing temple. This is of course unless one is among the Christian or Muslim minorities. To be in a temple, holding some incense, and praying to the deity is a form of feeling peace in mind, showing respect to the "unknown" of life.

Between the Communist Party and God or Buddha, you can only choose one.

The arrival of the Communist party in China shattered such widespread traditions. And up until the present, in terms of "religious management," as the Chinese authorities like to put it, things have not changed much since that bus ride of my youth.

A few days ago, in an article entitled "To do a good job of religious work one must speak of politics', Wang Zuoan, Director of China's State Administration for Religious Affairs stressed that "Between the Communist Party and God or Buddha, you can only choose one."

"Party members are not allowed to have religious beliefs. Those who are believers should be reeducated ideologically to give up religion," Wang Zuoan further stated in the Communist party-run Qiu Shi Journal. "Those who refuse to abandon their religion should be dealt with by the Party."

A hostile attitude to religion

Though theoretically China, via its written constitution, allows the freedom of faith, in practice, since the Communist Party took over China, the authorities have always held a hostile attitude to religions. Calling it "feudal and superstitious," not only were religious beliefs banned, even Confucianism, known as Rujiao in Chinese in its ritualized form was prohibited, while Buddhist and Taoist temples and Christian churches were destroyed, and monks and nuns expelled or worse during the Cultural Revolution. Even today, long after China "opened up" in the late 1970s, the repression and persecution of religions is still a far-too frequent reality.

Even if for reasons of social stability the authorities have taken a more tolerant attitude or created an illusion of religious freedom in recent years, religious activities are closely overseen and controlled.

The most typical reaction occurs when the authorities suspect that religious beliefs are linked to any "foreign forces or conspiracy." There remains a "red line" nobody should cross, writes Ian Johnson, the Wall Street Journal reporter who won the 2001 Pulitzer Prize for revealing China's suppression of Falun Gong, and author of a new book: The Souls of China, the Return of Religion After Mao. No mention of Tibetan Buddhism or the Dalai Lama is tolerated. It is best not to be a Xinjiang Uighur Muslim suspected of having foreign connection, and it is foolish to go to a Catholic church linked to Vatican, instead of the official national ones.

The Bible remains in many ways a virtual banned book.

As a matter of fact, the Holy See is the only state of the advanced world to maintain a diplomatic relationship with Taiwan, for the very reason of its religious discord with China.

In a country where some 50 to 60 million people claim to be Protestants and another 10 million Catholics, the Bible remains in many ways a virtual banned book. China's Bibles are often still smuggled in from overseas, like they famously were three or four decades ago. There is one official Bible printing plant, the Nanjing Amity Printing Co. Ltd which boasts to be the world's largest Bible printing factory, but their production is mostly for export.

Bibles won't be found in ordinary bookstores, and clergy who print and distribute the book find themselves imprisoned. While the party-backed official Protestant church, The Three-Self Patriotic Movement, has been promoted since 1951, most Chinese Christians prefer to go to the underground "house churches."

Though famous and important monasteries and temples that survived the Cultural Revolution were rebuilt and abbots reinstalled, these famous Chinese temples notoriously charge entrance fees, and are viewed as little more than a tourist cash machine by the local authorities. One well-known example is in the iconic Shaolin monastery of Dengfeng, which hosts kung fun spectacles and bikini beauty pageants and sells its name for hotels and cars to use as a brand. This stands in sharp contrast to Taiwan where people can enter temples freely as they make up an integral part of local culture and tradition.

Worthy of veneration?

Quoting the "Party Guidelines on Political Life in the Party under the New Situation," a major document approved by President Xi Jinping last year, Wang Zuoan reiterated the atheistic doctrine of the party and launched a subtle warning: "With a large number of believers, religions possess distinctive group characteristics and manifest a wide range of social impacts that no country or party could neglect."

It is no wonder, from this point of view, that any public group that risks becoming a force potentially challenging to Party leaders' supremacy is to be cracked down upon, hard and fast. The followers of Falun Gong, the most persecuted faith group in China over the past two decades, can attest to this. First developed in the early 1990s, and rapidly spread throughout the Chinese diaspora, followers of this Chinese faith, which is mainly composed of the practice of qigong and meditation, were ferociously rounded up and crushed under the instruction of the then party secretary General Jiang Zemin, in July 20, 1999.

"We should insist to acknowledge and treat religions from the position, viewpoint and method of Marxism."

According to the Epoch Times, over the past 18 years, more than 4,000 Falun Gong practitioners in China have been killed, while hundreds of thousands of others were detained and sent to re-education camps, tortured and disabled, or sent to psychiatric hospitals.

Addressing party members in a speech last year, Xi Jinping declared: "We should insist to acknowledge and treat religions from the position, viewpoint and method of Marxism."

Reflecting back on that first visit to mainland China, and the latest headlines, the most basic question is worth asking again: Why is it so important for the Chinese Communist Party to crack down on individual faith? It seems that, well, any deity poses a problem of "competition". The Epoch Times spoke with Richard Chu, a former Asian Studies professor from the Rochester Institute of Technology: "After 1949," Chu noted, "Mao Zedong became a savior to be worshipped by the people. The Communist Party says people should avoid any superstitions. Yet Mao replaced both the Bodhisattva and Jesus." The veneration of Mao may have faded, but perhaps Xi worship is supposed to take its place.

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What It Means When The Jews Of Germany No Longer Feel Safe

A neo-Nazi has been buried in the former grave of a Jewish musicologist Max Friedlaender – not an oversight, but a deliberate provocation. This is just one more example of antisemitism on the rise in Germany, and society's inability to respond.

At a protest against antisemitism in Berlin

Eva Marie Kogel


BERLIN — If you want to check the state of your society, there's a simple test: as the U.S. High Commissioner for Germany, John Jay McCloy, said in 1949, the touchstone for a democracy is the well-being of Jews. This litmus test is still relevant today. And it seems Germany would not pass.

Incidents are piling up. Most recently, groups of neo-Nazis from across the country traveled to a church near Berlin for the funeral of a well-known far-right figure. He was buried in the former grave of Jewish musicologist Max Friedlaender, a gravesite chosen deliberately by the right-wing extremists.

The incident at the cemetery

They intentionally chose a Jewish grave as an act of provocation, trying to gain maximum publicity for this act of desecration. And the cemetery authorities at the graveyard in Stahnsdorf fell for it. The church issued an immediate apology, calling it a "terrible mistake" and saying they "must immediately see whether and what we can undo."

There are so many incidents that get little to no media attention.

It's unfathomable that this burial was allowed to take place at all, but now the cemetery authorities need to make a decision quickly about how to put things right. Otherwise, the grave may well become a pilgrimage site for Holocaust deniers and antisemites.

The incident has garnered attention in the international press and it will live long in the memory. Like the case of singer-songwriter Gil Ofarim, who recently claimed he was subjected to antisemitic abuse at a hotel in Leipzig. Details of the crime are still being investigated. But there are so many other incidents that get little to no media attention.

Photo of the grave of Jewish musicologist Max Friedlaender

The grave of Jewish musicologist Max Friedlaender

Jens Kalaene/dpa/ZUMA

Crimes against Jews are rising

Across all parts of society, antisemitism is on the rise. Until a few years ago, Jewish life was seen as an accepted part of German society. Since the attack on the synagogue in Halle in 2019, the picture has changed: it was a bitter reminder that right-wing terror against Jewish people has a long, unbroken history in Germany.

Stories have abounded about the coronavirus crisis being a Jewish conspiracy; meanwhile, Muslim antisemitism is becoming louder and more forceful. The anti-Israel boycott movement BDS rears its head in every debate on antisemitism, just as left-wing or post-colonial thinking are part of every discussion.

Jewish life needs to be allowed to step out of the shadows.

Since 2015, the number of antisemitic crimes recorded has risen by about a third, to 2,350. But victims only report around 20% of cases. Some choose not to because they've had bad experiences with the police, others because they're afraid of the perpetrators, and still others because they just want to put it behind them. Victims clearly hold out little hope of useful reaction from the state – so crimes go unreported.

And the reality of Jewish life in Germany is a dark one. Sociologists say that Jewish children are living out their "identity under siege." What impact does it have on them when they can only go to nursery under police protection? Or when they hear Holocaust jokes at school?

Germany needs to take its antisemitism seriously

This shows that the country of commemorative services and "stumbling blocks" placed in sidewalks as a memorial to victims of the Nazis has lost its moral compass. To make it point true north again, antisemitism needs to be documented from the perspective of those affected, making it visible to the non-Jewish population. And Jewish life needs to be allowed to step out of the shadows.

That is the first thing. The second is that we need to talk about specifically German forms of antisemitism. For example, the fact that in no other EU country are Jewish people so often confronted about the Israeli government's policies (according to a survey, 41% of German Jews have experienced this, while the EU average is 28%). Projecting the old antisemitism onto the state of Israel offers people a more comfortable target for their arguments.

Our society needs to have more conversations about antisemitism. The test of German democracy, as McCloy called it, starts with taking these concerns seriously and talking about them. We need to have these conversations because it affects all of us. It's about saving our democracy. Before it's too late.

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