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Geopolitics

How The U.S.-China Cold War Will Be Different — And Why Little Can Stop It

The just completed G7 in Hiroshima has locked both sides in the simmering Cold War in Asia into what appears an inevitable confrontation that recalls the U.S.-Soviet showdown. But there are key caveats that make both the limits and risks harder to anticipate.

President Xi Jinping waves at lined up military officers and troops

President Xi Jinping meets with military officers and troops stationed in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, July 15, 2022

Pierre Haski

-Analysis-

PARIS — In the lengthy final statement of the Hiroshima G7 summit, it is not until point 51 that China finally comes up. However, along with Ukraine, the Asian superpower was undoubtedly the top priority for both the United States and host country, Japan.

Even though they were buried within an all-purpose text, references to China have triggered a strong reaction in Beijing. "Systematic denigration," "Interference in China's internal affairs," "Regional destabilization..." The Chinese Foreign Ministry did not mince words following the G7 summit.

From Beijing's perspective, the Hiroshima summit reinforced the Cold War emerging in northeast Asia — one that is vastly different from the one that occurred between the United States and the USSR in the last century.

The statement, however, takes care to proclaim, "Our policy approaches are not designed to harm China nor do we seek to thwart China’s economic progress and development."

But everything that the Americans have decided, first under Donald Trump and now even more decisively under Joe Biden, effectively aims to slow down China's emergence as a rival to the United States.


Battleground of technology

Washington and its allies are carrying out what was known during last century's Cold War as "containment," a keyword of that era that refers to the establishment of a containment belt around the targeted country and building coalitions of allies.

This is currently happening in the field of advanced technology, the true battleground of the 21st century. By denying China access to the most advanced semiconductors and the machines necessary for their production, Washington has dealt a severe blow to the Chinese economy.

The major difference from the first Cold War is undoubtedly the level of trade and investment between the United States and its respective rivals. With the USSR, it was minimal at best. Last year, trade between the U.S. and China reached a record high of around $690 billion, hence the nuance now required between "decoupling" and "de-risking."

G7 leaders and Ukraine\u2019s President Volodymyr Zelensky line up infront of their flags.

G7 Hiroshima Summit Session 8, 21st May 2023, discussing the situation in Ukraine with Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelensky.

MofaJapan

Decoupling v De-risking

"Decoupling" would imply a complete halt, which is simply impossible on such a scale. “De-risking" means selectively severing ties only in sensitive sectors, avoiding dependence on China, similar to how some countries have done with Russian gas, for instance.

China positions itself as a victim.

China does not accept either de-risking or decoupling and positions itself as a victim. However, there are solid reasons behind American actions, including commercial practices, the threat to Taiwan, the militarization of maritime routes in the South China Sea, and human rights issues within China itself.

The G7 has left the door open for cooperation with China on global issues such as climate change, which is what European nations were advocating for. The United States itself seeks to re-engage in dialogue with Beijing to find a way to disagree without risking a conflict.

But it is hard to increase pressure while extending a hand. If dialogue does not resume between Beijing and Washington in the coming weeks, the prospect of a long-lasting Cold War in Asia will become a reality.

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Society

Italy's Right-Wing Government Turns Up The Heat On 'Gastronationalism'

Rome has been strongly opposed to synthetic foods, insect-based flours and health warnings on alcohol, and aggressive lobbying by Giorgia Meloni's right-wing government against nutritional labeling has prompted accusations in Brussels of "gastronationalism."

Dough is run through a press to make pasta

Creation of home made pasta

Karl De Meyer et Olivier Tosseri

ROME — On March 23, the Italian Minister of Agriculture and Food Sovereignty, Francesco Lollobrigida, announced that Rome would ask UNESCO to recognize Italian cuisine as a piece of intangible cultural heritage.

On March 28, Lollobrigida, who is also Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni's brother-in-law, promised that Italy would ban the production, import and marketing of food made in labs, especially artificial meat — despite the fact that there is still no official request to market it in Europe.

Days later, Italian Eurodeputy Alessandra Mussolini, granddaughter of fascist leader Benito Mussolini and member of the Forza Italia party, which is part of the governing coalition in Rome, caused a sensation in the European Parliament. On the sidelines of the plenary session, Sophia Loren's niece organized a wine tasting, under the slogan "In Vino Veritas," to show her strong opposition (and that of her government) to an Irish proposal to put health warnings on alcohol bottles. At the end of the press conference, around 11am, she showed her determination by drinking from the neck of a bottle of wine, to great applause.

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