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LA STAMPA

George Soros' 20th Century History Lessons For Viktor Orban

The European Court of Justice has squashed the law that forced George Soros and his Central European University (CEU) to leave Budapest. It brought up ghosts from near and distant pasts.

Academic freedom protest in Budapest in 2018
Academic freedom protest in Budapest in 2018
Mattia Feltri

I won't give you all the details on the law — it's a hodgepodge — but, the Court says, it's a hodgepodge that violates the fundamental rights of academic freedom.


For Orbán, Europe continues to protect assorted alleged speculations of Soros, whom he paints as an enemy of the people and a super-villain financing opponents aiming to undermine standing governments.


There might be some truth in this. You might remember how Soros funded the studies of a young anti-Communist bound for Oxford University. He was indeed backing the opposition then — opposition to Hungary's forced loyalty to the Soviet Union. It was 1989, the year of the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the bloody utopia, and the student he financed was Viktor Orbán himself.


You know how it works: When you're part of the opposition it's one thing, but when you're the one others are opposing, everything changes.


The story of Soros being an enemy of the people deserves a chuckle, above all, because he is used to it. He was a Jewish kid at a time when Budapest was occupied by the Nazis — for whom the declared enemies of the people were Jews and international finance.


Soros escaped, but in 1948 he found out it was not much better with the Communists, so he fled to London. And when he began to subsidize Solidarność, Carta77 and even little guys like Orbán, Moscow had a flash of genius: Soros was a scoundrel of international finance, an enemy of the people!


And so on, up to Orbán and his populist friends across the world, who have forgotten the history of the 20th century — and what it means to use similar tactics and the same old vocabulary.

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Geopolitics

Utter Pessimism, What Israelis And Palestinians Share In Common

Right now, according to a joint survey of Israelis and Palestinians, hopes for a peaceful solution of coexistence simply don't exist. The recent spate of violence is confirmation of the deepest kind of pessimism on both sides for any solution other than domination of the other.

An old Palestinian protester waves Palestinian flag while he confronts the Israeli soldiers during the demonstration against Israeli settlements in the village of Beit Dajan near the West Bank city of Nablus.

A Palestinian protester confronts Israeli soldiers during the demonstration against Israeli settlements in the West Bank village of Beit Dajan on Jan. 6.

Pierre Haski

-Analysis-

PARIS — Just before the latest outbreak of violence between Israelis and Palestinians, a survey of public opinion among the two peoples provided a key to understanding the current situation unfolding before our eyes.

It was a joint study, entitled "Palestinian-Israeli Pulse", carried out by two research centers, one Israeli, the other Palestinian, which for years have been regularly asking the same questions to both sides.

The result is disastrous: not only is the support for the two-state solution — Israel and Palestine side by side — at its lowest point in two decades, but there is now a significant share of opinion on both sides that favors a "non-democratic" solution, i.e., a single state controlled by either the Israelis or Palestinians.

This captures the absolute sense of pessimism commonly felt regarding the chances of the two-state option ever being realized, which currently appears to be our grim reality today. But the results are also an expression of the growing acceptance on both sides that it is inconceivable for either state to live without dominating the other — and therefore impossible to live in peace.

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