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​An Egyptian Son's Plea: For​ My Father And Arab Spring Reconciliation

Essam El-Haddad, a senior adviser to President Morsi, was jailed more than eight years ago. His son Abdullah continues to fight for his father's liberation, which he says is a necessary path toward national union in post-Arab Spring Egypt.

Photo of former senior adviser to Egyptian President Mohammed MorsiEssam El-Haddad appearing in court.

Essam El-Haddad appearing in court

Abdullah El-Haddad


CAIRO — My heartbeat quickens as I see my mother's name flash on my phone screen. I stop everything I'm doing and try to remember to breathe. I lift the phone to my ear and brace myself for the bad news that will inevitably come about my father who has been locked in an Egyptian prison for more than eight years. They say things get easier with time, but these phone calls flout that rule. Nothing about them gets easier, especially when I'm receiving them in forced exile.

My father, Essam El-Haddad, was a senior adviser to President Mohammed Morsi. He was received by foreign governments and met with officials around the world. Now, at 67 years old, he languishes in solitary confinement. Despite his failing health, he has been denied medical care, having suffered four heart attacks since his detention. The little we know about my father's circumstances we learned through the rare occasions our family was allowed to visit him by Egypt's prison authorities. These visits have stopped since 2016.

As evidenced by the detention of my father and thousands of others who have been incarcerated since 2013, Egyptian politics can be brutal. But it doesn't have to be this way. There are alternatives for those in power in Egypt. Do thousands of prisoners need to be imprisoned indefinitely or even executed because their particular faction of Egyptian politics lost out, leaving permanent scars on the soul of our nation?

After Morsi's death

The Egyptian authorities have a choice to make. Will my father be allowed to withdraw from public life and spend his remaining days in the company of his family, children and grandchildren who have been deprived of his love? Or will he spend the rest of his life locked up in solitary confinement? Bearing in mind that the first option would not have any noticeable consequences or repercussions for the Egyptian authorities.

Morsi's death ended a painful chapter in Egypt's modern history

The biggest fear families of political prisoners have faced since 2013 is to receive a call from the authorities asking them to collect their relatives' corpses and prepare for their funerals, a fear that is amplified when visits are banned and no communication whatsoever is allowed with prisoners. The inability to say a final goodbye is an indescribably painful way to experience the death of a loved one; I wouldn't wish it upon anyone.

Perhaps the most notable political prisoner who died in custody was former President Morsi, who collapsed just meters away from my father in the courtroom. In truth, for pro-Morsi political prisoners like my father, Morsi's death ended a painful chapter in Egypt's modern history. His death became a clear statement that the new local and regional political landscape will not allow for a recurrence of any form of political activity like that which occurred between 2012 and 2013.

A doctor and grandfather

A growing flurry of letters have been leaking out of prisons to Egyptian media. In these letters, political prisoners are requesting pardons while pledging to withdraw from public life and not to participate in politics in any shape or form. This initiative would have received even greater prominence in different prisons if communications were allowed between political prisoners. They are unprecedented seedlings of reconciliation. However, to date, the Egyptian government has not given this proposal its due attention. The voices who believe the status quo can be maintained indefinitely through repressive means keep winning the internal debates.

He is my father, my children's grandfather.

The energy and enthusiasm of the Arab Spring that brought Morsi to power has dissipated, and Egypt has taken a new road with President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi in charge for the past seven years. For figures like my father, politics has become a sort of activity that is impossible to replicate using the same methods or means that were used 10 years ago. So it is unjust to keep him captive and to keep his painful historical case open in a completely new political context, particularly when he is not, and cannot be, a threat to his country or anyone in it.

In a way, my father might appear to be a relic of a recent political past to be forgotten and left to die in the Egyptian charade of never-ending trials, solitary confinement and medical negligence. Yet to me, he is my father, my children's grandfather. He is caring by nature — it's what inspired him to become a doctor; what drove him as an international student in the UK to co-found the world's biggest Islamic charity, saving and serving lives in every part of the world; and it's what drove him to public service for his country. These are the parts we neglect in the headlines and the political dispatches that describe the ups and downs of Egyptian politics.

Seeds of national union

Every period in a country's history determines the shape of its future. Turning a new page on the previous generation of Egyptian politicians is to end a painful chapter, an opportunity to plant seeds that can grow into orchards of harmony that future generations can reap.

There are those who think the Egyptian government is impossible to engage with. I have seen the Egyptian media attack Qatar and Turkey day and night for their support of President Morsi, and Egypt eventually joining the embargo on Qatar and facing off with Turkey over energy resources in the Mediterranean. Yet in the last few months, senior Turkish officials have been in talks with Cairo, and Qatar's Emir has met with President Sisi.

I know my father won't be able to read these words, but I hope that they somehow make it to his cell.

Political changes within Egypt's borders undoubtedly affect the geopolitical role the country can play in our turbulent region, and Egyptian prisoners remain a forgotten, but fundamental feature of these regional dynamics. If Egypt moves beyond this repressive period, it will regain its influence and strengthen its regional and global position, which could potentially lead to greater cooperation and success in handling many of the issues the country faces.

I am not writing these words on behalf of any faction or with any ulterior political motive. I am writing these words as a citizen of Egypt and as a son who misses and fears for his father. I know my father won't be able to read these words, but I hope that they somehow make it to his cell. I hope someone will see these words, in Egypt, or in the corridors of power somewhere in the world, someone who believes that politics need not be a brutal, pain-filled game, and that Egypt's future is made stronger by many different voices united for the national interest.

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The Last Boss: Messina Denaro's Death Marks The End Of An Era For The Sicilian Mafia

Eight months after being arrested, following 30 years on the run, Matteo Messina Denaro died Monday. The son of a mobster and successor of Sicily's notorious boss of bosses, he had tried to transform Cosa Nostra into a modern criminal enterprise — with only partial success.

photo of Matteo Messina Denaro

Matteo Messina Denaro after his arrest

Carabinieri handout via ZUMA
La Stampa Staff

Updated Sep. 25, 2023 at 4:45 p.m.


PALERMO — Matteo Messina Denaro, who for more than a decade was the Sicilian Mafia's "boss of bosses," died on Monday in an Italian hospital prison ward. His death came eight months after being captured following decades on the run as a fugitive from justice. His arrest in January 15, 1993, came almost 30 years to the day after Totò Riina, then the undisputed head of the Corleone clan, was captured in Palermo.

Tracing back in time, Messina Denaro began his criminal ascent in 1989, around the first time on record that he was reported for mob association for his participation in the feud between the Accardo and Ingoglia clans.

At the time, Messina Denaro's father, 'don Ciccio', was the Mafia boss in the western Sicilian city of Trapani — and at only 20 years of age, the ambitious young criminal became Totò Riina's protégé. He would go on to help transform Cosa Nostra, tearing it away from the feudal tradition and catapulting it into the world of would-be legitimate business affairs.

For 30 years he managed to evade capture. He had chosen the path of ‘essential communication’: a few short pizzini - small slips of paper used by the Sicilian Mafia for high-level communications - without compromising information by telephone or digital means.

“Never write the name of the person you are addressing," Messina Denaro told his underlings. "Don’t talk in cars because there could be bugs, always discuss in the open and away from telephones. Also, take off your watches.”

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