CLARIN

It's Time To Stop Demonizing Big Data

Information gleaned from digital sources must be used in strict accordance with the law. But it's too useful to simply vilify and disregard.

Data gathering in Toronto
Data gathering in Toronto
Sebastián Halperín*

-OpEd-

BUENOS AIRES — Recent actions taken in response to the leaking of Facebook data offer a good opportunity to shed a bit of light on the development of new — and often demonized — data processing and analysis technologies.

Advances made in information management systems from multiple sources offer us resources that, until very recently, were unimaginable. The possibility of using vast quantities of data to identifying groups of individuals that share patterns of behavior has become a precious and strategic supply-side component for many organizations. We must add to this the possibility of integrating various information sources that can contribute to decision-making.

This is where Big Data offers resources that are increasingly important in both business and public administration. In places like Estonia, for example, it is being used to identify fraudulent activities relating to tax evasion or money laundering. In England, Big Data is helping shape plans to redevelop London's public transport.

For obvious reasons, researchers using these technologies must respect the strictest ethical standards. Also, those standards need to be enforced. But we shouldn't start by simply demonizing such technologies with Big Brother references and warnings about their potential for social control. We can criticize Big Data, in other words, and must pay due attention to the possible consequences of its inappropriate use. But we also need to consider its benefits and embrace it.

But we shouldn't think of Big Data as synonymous with illegality, because it's not.

Like in all sectors, polling professionals and market researchers must adhere to ethnical codes and procedures. They're also subject to the scrutiny of various national and international bodies, which set limits on their activities and the tools they use. And that's a good thing. Bodies like WAPOR, which has offices in Buenos Aires, or ESOMAR, a European agency, set basic norms regarding confidentiality in use of information and non-divulgence of the identity of participants in polls or studies. More recently they've updated their rules to encompass the impact of new technologies on research.

Photo: Ecole Polytechnique/Flickr

Certainly, much remains to be done regarding personal data protection and optimization of accountability procedures by organizations handling this mass of information. It's crucial, for example, that users be given necessary assurances in terms of respecting personal identities when it comes to processing or keeping their information, for example through agreement requests.

But we shouldn't think of Big Data as synonymous with illegality, because it's not. To change that perception, we ought to stop with the "to be or not to be" type of debate and instead ask more constructive questions, such as how to develop the technology to meet the demands of new challenges.

*The author is a sociologist, political scientist and market researcher.

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Geopolitics

How Thailand's Lèse-Majesté Law Is Used To Stifle All Protest

Once meant to protect the royal family, the century-old law has become a tool for the military-led government in Bangkok to stamp out all dissent. A new report outlines the abuses.

Pro-Democracy protest at The Criminal Court in Bangkok, Thailand

Laura Valentina Cortés Sierra

"We need to reform the institution of the monarchy in Thailand. It is the root of the problem." Those words, from Thai student activist Juthatip Sirikan, are a clear expression of the growing youth-led movement that is challenging the legitimacy of the government and demanding deep political changes in the Southeast Asian nation. Yet those very same words could also send Sirikan to jail.

Thailand's Criminal Code 'Lèse-Majesté' Article 112 imposes jail terms for defaming, insulting, or threatening the monarchy, with sentences of three to 15 years. This law has been present in Thai politics since 1908, though applied sparingly, only when direct verbal or written attacks against members of the royal family.


But after the May 2014 military coup d'état, Thailand experienced the first wave of lèse-majesté arrests, prosecutions, and detentions of at least 127 individuals arrested in a much wider interpretation of the law.

The recent report 'Second Wave: The Return of Lèse-Majesté in Thailand', documents how the Thai government has "used and abused Article 112 of the Criminal Code to target pro-democracy activists and protesters in relation to their online political expression and participation in peaceful pro-democracy demonstrations."

Criticism of any 'royal project'

The investigation shows 124 individuals, including at least eight minors, have been charged with lèse-majesté between November 2020 and August 2021. Nineteen of them served jail time. The new wave of charges is cited as a response to the rising pro-democracy protests across Thailand over the past year.

Juthatip Sirikan explains that the law is now being applied in such a broad way that people are not allowed to question government budgets and expenditure if they have any relationship with the royal family, which stifles criticism of the most basic government decision-making since there are an estimated 5,000 ongoing "royal" projects. "Article 112 of lèse-majesté could be the key (factor) in Thailand's political problems" the young activist argues.

In 2020 the Move Forward opposition party questioned royal spending paid by government departments, including nearly 3 billion baht (89,874,174 USD) from the Defense Ministry and Thai police for royal security, and 7 billion baht budgeted for royal development projects, as well as 38 planes and helicopters for the monarchy. Previously, on June 16, 2018, it was revealed that Thailand's Crown Property Bureau transferred its entire portfolio to the new King Maha Vajiralongkorn.

photo of graffiti of 112 crossed out on sidewalk

Protestors In Bangkok Call For Political Prisoner Release

Peerapon Boonyakiat/SOPA Images via ZUMA Wire

Freedom of speech at stake

"Article 112 shuts down all freedom of speech in this country", says Sirikan. "Even the political parties fear to touch the subject, so it blocks most things. This country cannot move anywhere if we still have this law."

The student activist herself was charged with lèse-majesté in September 2020, after simply citing a list of public documents that refer to royal family expenditure. Sirikan comes from a family that has faced the consequences of decades of political repression. Her grandfather, Tiang Sirikhan was a journalist and politician who openly protested against Thailand's involvement in World War II. He was accused of being a Communist and abducted in 1952. According to Sirikhan's family, he was killed by the state.

The new report was conducted by The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), Thai Lawyer for Human Rights (TLHR), and Internet Law Reform Dialogue (iLaw). It accuses Thai authorities of an increasingly broad interpretation of Article 112, to the point of "absurdity," including charges against people for criticizing the government's COVID-19 vaccine management, wearing crop tops, insulting the previous monarch, or quoting a United Nations statement about Article 112.

Juthatip Sirikan speaks in front of democracy monument.

Shift to social media

While in the past the Article was only used against people who spoke about the royals, it's now being used as an alibi for more general political repression — which has also spurred more open campaigning to abolish it. Sirikan recounts recent cases of police charging people for spreading paint near the picture of the king during a protest, or even just for having a picture of the king as phone wallpaper.

The more than a century-old law is now largely playing out online, where much of today's protest takes place in Thailand. Sirikan says people are willing to go further on social media to expose information such as how the king intervenes in politics and the monarchy's accumulation of wealth, information the mainstream media rarely reports on them.

Not surprisingly, however, social media is heavily monitored and the military is involved in Intelligence operations and cyber attacks against human rights defenders and critics of any kind. In October 2020, Twitter took down 926 accounts, linked to the army and the government, which promoted themselves and attacked political opposition, and this June, Google removed two Maps with pictures, names, and addresses, of more than 400 people who were accused of insulting the Thai monarchy. "They are trying to control the internet as well," Sirikan says. "They are trying to censor every content that they find a threat".

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