The Bosnia Solution, How Russia Plans To Split Syria In Three
Moscow is quietly working toward a federal future for war-torn Syria, with a central government but the nation divided into three different ethnic zones. It's a nod to Kurdish ambitions and lessons from the Balkans.
MOSCOW â€" After intervening in the long-running conflict on Bashar al-Assad"s behalf, Russia is cautiously planning a federal solution for Syria. As the war sputters on during a temporary ceasefire, Russia is outflanking U.S. attempts at other solutions that don't foresee any partition of the country.
Moscow's plan is inspired by the "Bosnian solution" that arose from the 1995 Dayton Accords, which split Bosnia-Herzegovina into a federation of two ethnic states with a weak central government. "If all parties agree to a federal Syria and it guarantees the territorial unity, independence and sovereignty of the country, then who would object?" says Sergey Ryabkov, Russia's deputy foreign minister.
Russia has long avoided making a prominent push for such a solution, given its support for the centralized Syrian government. Moscow's foreign ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova recently reasserted this principle, saying, "Any peace deal must respect Syria's territorial integrity and sovereignty."
Yet the continued strength of Syria's Kurds, supported by both Moscow and Washington, has led the Kremlin to consider a far greater autonomy while rejecting their dreams of an independent "Greater Kurdistan."
Indeed, the Syrian Kurds are at the heart of Moscow's foreign policy change of heart. Syrian Kurdish leaders recently told Russian journalists about the need for "decentralization" in Syria to put an end to the internecine conflict. One day after the ceasefire began, Ilham Ahmed, a member of the executive council of the Syrian Kurdish autonomous government, revealed that there is an understanding between Russia, the U.S. and opposition forces on a proposed federal solution.
A rough outline of a federal Syria would divide the country into three autonomous entities: a Kurdish region in the north and northeast; a central and eastern region composed primarily of Sunnis; and a region covering the coast and the central spine from Aleppo to the capital Damascus, home to a mixed population of Shia Alawites, Druze, Christians, Sunnis and others.
An outline of what Russia's proposed federal solution would look like â€" Map: Wikicommons; outline: La Stampa
According to General Leonid Ivashov, head of the Academy of Geopolitical Problems, Russia first needs to resolve tensions between Syria's Kurds, the Assad regime and its Iranian backers.
"Syrian Kurds primarily fight terrorists, but they don't fight to keep Assad in power," he says. "The only reasonable solution is federalism because we can neither push back the Kurds nor allow them to separate from Syria, since that would set a bad precedent." In his view, a federal Syria would preclude the country's "Balkanization" into several independent statelets.
Moscow has been advocating for the Kurds' inclusion in the Geneva peace talks since early January, but the request has fallen on deaf ears. On Feb. 10, representatives of the Syrian Kurdish autonomous region â€" named "Rojava" â€" traveled to Moscow to open their first foreign office. While the office is not considered an official diplomatic mission, the Kurds clearly have thinly veiled ambitions to garner Russian support for a Kurdish autonomous state in any post-war peace solution.
Russia has long supported Kurdish regional ambitions, historically aiding the Kurdish Workers" Party (PKK) rebellion against Turkey during the Cold War. Just last week, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov reiterated that the Syrian-Turkish border must be shut. As tensions remain high between Moscow and Ankara, the Kremlin's big plans put it at risk of colliding head-on with Turkey.
As global warming melts the ice covering parts of the Arctic Ocean, new opportunities are opening up for the exploration of natural resources, including oil. But the accelerating cooperation on climate objectives could wind up saving the Arctic from both business and military interests.
The Prirazlomnaya oil platform in Murmansk, Russia.
PARIS — Moscow is militarizing the North Pole ... China claims near-arctic state status ... Trump wants to buy Greenland ...
That sampling of headlines from the last few years is a testament to the emergence of the Arctic as a frosty point of potential conflict among the major geopolitical force reshaping our world. Most would still struggle to imagine why this distant place of drifting ice blocks and polar bears, historically considered a place too inaccessible and distant for governments to pay any mind, is suddenly emerging as a frontier of global power play.
So, what's really going on in the Arctic?
A new Cold War?
The most straightforward answer is — you might have guessed it: climate change. The glaciers and icebergs covering parts of the Arctic Ocean are melting away. In the last 40 years, the multi-year ice (the thicker part that stays throughout the summer) has decreased by roughly half, and estimates predict that the Arctic Ocean is heading for ice-free conditions by mid-century.
While that is bad news for the planet, as sea ice acts as a huge white sun reflector keeping our planet cool, it also means that lucrative resources such as oil, gas and minerals become increasingly accessible to the countries with territorial access to the Arctic.
Known as the Arctic 8, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Finland, Russia, Canada, Iceland and the U.S. each have claims to different territories that lie within the Arctic Circle. Currently, under a treaty called the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, signatory countries can exploit resources from the seabed out to 370 kilometers off their shorelines.
90 billion barrels of oil
While that might seem straightforward enough, the Convention also stipulates that if a country can prove its underwater shelf is an extension of its continental border, then its jurisdiction can be expanded deeper into the sea.
And so as the once-ice-covered resources are suddenly up for grabs, just as the technology for exploiting them improves. Several countries have already submitted papers to the UN claiming portions of the vast Arctic seabed. According to the U.S. Energy Information Administration, the Arctic Ocean houses an estimated 90 billion barrels of oil — about 13% of the world's undiscovered oil reserves — and 30% of the planet's untapped natural gas.
The jostle for Arctic territory isn't news per se: Already in 2007, Russia launched a naval manoeuvre to plant a Russian flag (inside a titanium capsule) at the base of the North Pole. But the current scramble comes at a time when relations between the East and West have plunged to new depths — a fresh display being Russia's recent closing of NATO offices after the alliance expelled several Russian delegates for alleged spying.
Boat approaching a large iceberg in the Arctic Ocean
Meanwhile, the old Cold War's main protagonists have been building up their military muscles in the Far North. In October 2020, Russian President Vladimir Putin adopted a new Arctic strategy involving rearmament of the Russian Arctic forces with the most up-to-date means of warfare, which will soon include a new air-launched ballistic missile that can be fitted with nuclear warheads.
Similarly, since 2020, the U.S. Armed Forces have announced one new Arctic strategy after another. Late last year, it reactivated the Atlantic Fleet — harking back to a time when the navy focused on operations in the Northern Atlantic — with the goal of countering both the Russian threat as well as China, which has declared itself a "near-Arctic state" as a way of expressing its desire for a seat at the polar table. More recently, the Joe Biden administration launched the "Arctic Warrior," an army training program to develop skills in cold-weather warfare.
Lawmakers play catch-up.
But tempting as it may be to view the Arctic through the prism of an ominous power struggle between Moscow and Washington, Europe remains the most important strategic theater for Russia and, so far, the broader approach of NATO — despite the U.S. advancing its interests — has largely been a hands-off approach to the region.
As Jan-Gunnar Winther, director of the Center for Sea and the Arctic, wrote in a recent article in Norwegian regional daily iTromsø, NATO is aware that the combination of climate change and more diversified business activities could have a destabilizing effect.
But on the other hand, lawmakers are busy catching up with new regulation, and the region features several cooperative bodies, such as the Arctic Council — the primary intergovernmental forum for promoting cooperation in the region — that have managed to stave off conflict in the past.
Managing Russia
Even while Russia flirts with a version of its Cold War-era posture, the country is doing so with fewer resources and at a time when global military balance, especially with regards to air power, is tilted against it — making open aggression over the Arctic less of a worry for the alliance.
Another stabilizing factor is that northern countries by now have some experience in navigating Russian muscle-flexing in the region. Norway's relationship to Moscow has long been a tightrope between deterrence and defense through NATO, with bilateral efforts to accommodate and reassure its eastern neighbor. The six-million strong country may have urged NATO to pay more attention to the Arctic, but the official Norwegian government line is that Russia doesn't pose a military threat. According to Norwegian broadcaster TV2, the ambition of the newly elected center-left government is to strengthen relations with the Kremlin.
EU wants to ban new carbon exploration in the Arctic.
As for Sweden and Finland, they have in the last decade managed to walk a line of deepening cooperation with NATO without overly aggravating Moscow — and that's unlikely to change. The two countries share a neutrality policy, and have an understanding that a potential NATO membership would be a joint decision. As such, with climFinland sharing a 1,340-km border and difficult history with Russia, A Swedish-Finish application has so far been ruled out as a greater security risk than to formally remain outside the alliance.
Some are also hoping that increased global climate cooperation, like that seen right now at the COP26 in Glasgow, could replace some of the balance previously provided by a natural curtain of ice, with the Arctic Council in particular focusing on sustainable development and environmental protection.
Earlier this month, the EU put forward proposals that could see it pushing to ban the tapping of new oil, coal and gas deposits in the Arctic to protect the region from further disruptive climate change. What we can also hope is that as growing global players like China will try to gain access to the region, the polar nations will find new motivation to collaborate to protect what is theirs, and what is not.
As global warming melts the ice covering parts of the Arctic Ocean, new opportunities are opening up for the exploration of natural resources, including oil. But the accelerating cooperation on climate objectives could wind up saving the Arctic from both business and military interests.
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