September 25, 2020
BOGOTÁ — Few phenomena are as pervasive, sought after and fundamentally misunderstood as advertising.
This newspaper, like practically all print media, has thinned somewhat due to the absence of ads. Because alongside sophisticated theories, algorithms and AI, advertising has moved to the digital world and the Internet. How effective is it there? I'll let you worry about that.
What I will say is that the algorithms and AI that target me personally seem rather basic and crass. When I open a webpage, I usually see pop-ups and banners that irritate me, both because of how suddenly they appear, and because they never offer anything I might want or find surprising. I know, I must be a freak to some, but my average readers may agree and I hope they will soon write and tell me so.
Let me clarify, when I search for something on Google or on Amazon — and I almost never visit Facebook — the ads I do find are ordered more efficiently, which makes it clear it is an order based on payment. And the products shown, which are like the one I was looking for — books for example — are equally useful in spite of being manipulated.
But print media is going through an impressive drought in resources. The legendary film magazine Cahiers du cinéma was recently bought by a group of film producers; a dramatic clash of interests that prompted editorial staff to quit en masse. The review might even die out as a result. It is an old dilemma: Those who have the money, buy media not in the hope of making money but to use them in one way or another to enhance their own prestige. Examples of this abound.
For a long while now, even before the days marvelously depicted in the series Mad Men, advertising has faced suspicion. Its aim is not to tell the truth, but help sell products. And if you need to embellish a little or even lie to do so, so be it. Readers over 40 years old will remember cigarette ads: They were glamorous, attractive and sexy. Did it matter that tobacco kills and, to make matters worse, that nicotine is extremely addictive? Too bad.
The day will come when people realize digital ads are not of great use either.
With this kind of advertising there's a basic contradiction. A prestigious media outlet is obliged to report the truth, dig into the story, and give its honest opinion. But to survive financially, it relies on advertising that broadly masks and distorts. It's a blatant, ethical dilemma. Of course the alternative would be for readers to finance the medium, which is something publications are trying today and involves disproportionate subscription fees. Either that or seek public donations.
A newspaper stand featuring assorted publications in Venice, Italy.—Claudio Schwarz
Here's another question: What, at the end of the day, prompts people to buy something? Yes, noise and exposure are useful. And if the product has an addictive quality, like nicotine, that obviously helps too. But for many things, word-of-mouth and recommendations are essential, and they do not depend on publicity but rather the sincere opinions of people you know.
Something tells me that the day will come when people realize digital ads are not of great use either. Unfortunately, by then, reviews like the Cahiers du cinéma will be but a distant memory.
The oldest newspaper in Colombia, El Espectador was founded in 1887. The national daily newspaper has historically taken a firm stance against drug trafficking and in defense of freedom of the press. In 1986, the director of El Espectador was assassinated by gunmen hired by Pablo Escobar. The majority share-holder of the paper is Julio Mario Santo Domingo, a Colombian businessman named by Forbes magazine as one of the wealthiest men in the world in 2011.
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The military has seized control in one of Africa's largest countries, which until recently had made significant progress towards transitioning to democracy after years of strongman rule. But the people, and international community, may not be willing to turn back.
David E. Kiwuwa
October 27, 2021
This week the head of Sudan's Sovereign Council, General Abdel Fattah El Burhan, declared the dissolution of the transitional council, which has been in place since the overthrow of former president Omar el-Bashir in 2019. He also disbanded all the structures that had been set up as part of the transitional roadmap, and decreed a state of emergency.
In essence, he staged a palace coup against the transitional authority he chaired.
The general's actions, which included the arrest of Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok, are a culmination of a long period of tension between the civilian and military wings of the council.
A popular uprising may be inevitable
The tensions were punctuated by an alleged attempted coup only weeks earlier. The days leading to the palace coup were marked by street protests for and against the military. Does this mark the end of the transition as envisaged by the protest movement?
Their ability to confront counter revolutionary forces cannot be underestimated.
The popular uprising against Bashir's government was led by the Sudan Professional Association. It ushered in the political transitional union of civilians and the military establishment. The interim arrangement was to lead to a return to civilian rule.
But this cohabitation was tenuous from the start, given the oversized role of the military in the transition. Moreover, the military appeared to be reluctant to see the civilian leadership as an equal partner in shepherding through the transition.
Nevertheless, until recently there had been progress towards creating the institutional architecture for the transition. Despite the challenges and notable tension between the signatories to the accord, it was never evident that the dysfunction was so great as to herald the collapse of the transitional authority.
For now, the transition might be disrupted and in fact temporarily upended. But the lesson from Sudan is never to count the masses out of the equation. Their ability to mobilize and confront counter revolutionary forces cannot be underestimated.
The transitional pact itself had been anchored by eight arduously negotiated protocols. These included regional autonomy, integration of the national army, revenue sharing and repatriation of internal refugees. There was also an agreement to share out positions in national political institutions, such as the legislative and executive branch.
Progress towards these goals was at different stages of implementation. More substantive progress was expected to follow after the end of the transition. This was due in 2022 when the chair of the sovereignty council handed over to a civilian leader. This military intervention is clearly self-serving and an opportunistic power grab.
A promised to civilian rule in July 2023 through national elections.
In November, the rotational chairmanship of the transitional council was to be passed from the military to the civilian wing of the council. That meant the military would cede strong leverage to the civilians. Instead, with the coup afoot, Burhan has announced both a dissolution of the council as well as the dismissal of provincial governors. He has unilaterally promised return to civilian rule in July 2023 through national elections.
Prior to this, the military had been systematically challenging the pre-eminence of the civilian authority. It undermined them and publicly berated them for governmental failures and weaknesses. For the last few months there has been a deliberate attempt to sharply criticize the civilian council as riddled with divisions, incompetent and undermining state stability.
File photo shows Sudan's Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok in August 2020
Generals in suits
Since the revolution against Bashir's government, the military have fancied themselves as generals in suits. They have continued to wield enough power to almost run a parallel government in tension with the prime minister. This was evident when the military continued to have the say on security and foreign affairs.
For their part, civilian officials concentrated on rejuvenating the economy and mobilizing international support for the transitional council.
This didn't stop the military from accusing the civilian leadership of failing to resuscitate the country's ailing economy. True, the economy has continued to struggle from high inflation, low industrial output and dwindling foreign direct investment. As in all economies, conditions have been exacerbated by the effects of COVID-19.
Sudan's weakened economy is, however, not sufficient reason for the military intervention. Clearly this is merely an excuse.
Demands of the revolution
The success or failure of this coup will rest on a number of factors.
First is the ability of the military to use force. This includes potential violent confrontation with the counter-coup forces. This will dictate the capacity of the military to change the terms of the transition.
Second is whether the military can harness popular public support in the same way that the Guinean or Egyptian militaries did. This appears to be a tall order, given that popular support appears to be far less forthcoming.
The international community's appetite for military coups is wearing thin.
Third, the ability of the Sudanese masses to mobilize against military authorities cannot be overlooked. Massive nationwide street protests and defiance campaigns underpinned by underground organizational capabilities brought down governments in 1964, 1985 and 2019. They could once again present a stern test to the military.
Finally, the international community's appetite for military coups is wearing thin. The ability of the military to overcome pressure from regional and international actors to return to the status quo could be decisive, given the international support needed to prop up the crippled economy.
The Sudanese population may have been growing frustrated with its civilian authority's ability to deliver on the demands of the revolution. But it is also true that another coup to reinstate military rule is not something the protesters believe would address the challenges they were facing.
Sudan has needed and will require compromise and principled political goodwill to realise a difficult transition. This will entail setbacks but undoubtedly military intervention in whatever guise is monumentally counterproductive to the aspirations of the protest movement.
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