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Five Reasons Why Iran Could Be Key To Defeating ISIS

At an anti-ISIS rally in Tehran last year.
At an anti-ISIS rally in Tehran last year.
Alidad Vassigh

Iranian foreign policy is still a major question mark, even as Western delegations stream through Tehran in the wake of a nuclear deal that promises an end to sanctions and international isolation. But there is no denying that Iran is a major regional power, which holds the real potential of becoming a working partner with the West on a number of fronts.

Most urgent, among the ways Tehran could move back into the geopolitical fold is in helping to crush the Islamic State (ISIS), and similar jihadist groups active in Syria, Iraq and beyond.

So how can Iran help?


As a violent faction of the Sunni branch of Islam, ISIS abhors Iran, where Shia Muslims dominate. Iran and Iranians are thus a prime target for ISIS, and would be therefore a natural ally (if only of convenience) of its many other enemies. As a starting point, Iran has raised its voice to warn ISIS not to approach its borders. While none of the regional powers — even Sunni-dominated regimes — is safe from a group keen to carve itself a "caliphate" in the ruins of the Middle East, the West and Russia suspect that some are less than entirely determined to fight ISIS. In the political miasma that is the Middle East, the West thus sees Iran as fully and strategically committed to combat. It is of course a delicate diplomatic balance, as Sunni regimes look at any collaboration with Iran with great suspicion, and some may even see ISIS and other Sunni radical groups as a check on Tehran's ambitions.

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The Jamkaran Mosque in the Iranian holy city of Qom — Photo: Fabien Khan


Iran has the military capabilities, manpower and geographic proximity to fight ISIS, and has already been engaged in operations that have pushed back the jihadists' advances in Iraq in particular. Indeed, its stated hostility to ISIS and groups like al-Qaeda or the al-Nusra Front may be more convincing than certain other regional states. The snag perhaps is that, like Russia, Iran is not just fighting terrorism but also bolstering its allies, notably Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, whom the West wants ousted. As Ali Akbar Velayati, a foreign affairs adviser to Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei told Iranian daily Sharg this week, Assad is Iran's "red line." So while it may help crush ISIS, its intention to keep meddling in Syria — not to mention Lebanon — may continue to fuel regional intrigue. Velayati made sure to add that Iran is now "the most powerful country participating in events in Syria."


For better or worse, Iran has the power to sway the Syrian regime. President Assad keeps looking less like a leader and more like a client of Russia and Iran, though one should never overlook his own ruthlessness and ferocity. The West might be interested to know whether or not Iran could force Assad from power: Could Assad survive without Iranian cash and arms and the Hezbollah militia, paid for by Iran? He might choose to rely entirely on Russia, another traditional ally of the Assads — both father and son. But Iran could ultimately apply the kind of pressure that would make the difference in paving the way for regime change in Damascus.

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Syrian President Assad during his visit to Moscow in October — Photo: Kremlin


Here's the dream scenario for those rare optimists that still exist: Eased back into the international fold, Iran could begin to see the many advantages of moderation. Once the Iranians bet on a policy of deradicalization, and move closer to the West, the Saudis might start talking to them. The two regional rivals maintain minimal diplomatic courtesies, but seemingly diverge on almost every issue that arises. Beyond the division between Shia and Sunni Islam — and who knows how important this really is in politics? — since the 1979 revolution in Iran, the two states have come to symbolize opposing ideologies. One is "revolutionary" and friendly with disruptive states; the other, a friend of capitalism and the West. Under the Shah, in the 1970s, the Persian Gulf monarchies entertained ties with Iran that were actually quite cordial. Their interests and inclinations were not far apart. But for at least a decade after 1979, Iran was suspected of backing all manner of subversive enterprises and dastardly deeds, broadly intended to ensure that its revolution — or any revolution — would happen in neighboring states and beyond. Iranian progression toward ideological moderation could open diplomatic doors, and that could be like pulling the rug from the radicals.


Rapprochement with the West could produce intelligence sharing with Western powers, though that seems a taller order. In recent days Iran's "cyber police" declared it had detained over 50 people promoting ISIS and its ideas on the Internet, and its head said Iran duly collaborates in this domain with Interpol, the global network of police cooperation. Like reports of big drug hauls, it sounds like good news, even if the larger context remains opaque. For the West, Iran's role in fighting fanaticism is still mostly a hypothetical scenario, and a complicated one at that.

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What's Spoiling The Kids: The Big Tech v. Bad Parenting Debate

Without an extended family network, modern parents have sought to raise happy kids in a "hostile" world. It's a tall order, when youngsters absorb the fears (and devices) around them like a sponge.

Image of a kid wearing a blue striped sweater, using an ipad.

Children exposed to technology at a very young age are prominent today.

Julián de Zubiría Samper


BOGOTÁ — A 2021 report from the United States (the Youth Risk Behavior Survey) found that 42% of the country's high-school students persistently felt sad and 22% had thought about suicide. In other words, almost half of the country's young people are living in despair and a fifth of them have thought about killing themselves.

Such chilling figures are unprecedented in history. Many have suggested that this might be the result of the COVID-19 pandemic, but sadly, we can see depression has deeper causes, and the pandemic merely illustrated its complexity.

I have written before on possible links between severe depression and the time young people spend on social media. But this is just one aspect of the problem. Today, young people suffer frequent and intense emotional crises, and not just for all the hours spent staring at a screen. Another, possibly more important cause may lie in changes to the family composition and authority patterns at home.

Firstly: Families today have fewer members, who communicate less among themselves.

Young people marry at a later age, have fewer children and many opt for personal projects and pets instead of having children. Families are more diverse and flexible. In many countries, the number of children per woman is close to or less than one (Singapore, Taiwan, South Korea, Hong Kong among others).

In Colombia, women have on average 1.9 children, compared to 7.6 in 1970. Worldwide, women aged 15 to 49 years have on average 2.4 children, or half the average figure for 1970. The changes are much more pronounced in cities and among middle and upper-income groups.

Of further concern today is the decline in communication time at home, notably between parents and children. This is difficult to quantify, but reasons may include fewer household members, pervasive use of screens, mothers going to work, microwave ovens that have eliminated family cooking and meals and, thanks to new technologies, an increase in time spent on work, even at home. Our society is addicted to work and devotes little time to minors.

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