May 17, 2018
SAO PAULO — I am a candidate for the Brazilian presidency in October's elections, because I have committed no crime and because I know I can act to put the country back onto the path of democracy and development for our people.
After everything I achieved as president 2003-2010, I am certain that I can restore to government all of its credibility, without which there can be neither economic development nor any defense of national interests. I am a candidate in order to give dignity back to the poor and outcast, guarantee their rights and give them hope of a better life.
Nothing in my life has been easy, but I have learned never to give up. When I first engaged in politics, more than 40 years ago, there were no elections in this country, no rights for trade unions or political organizations.
We confronted the dictatorship and created the Workers' Party (PT), believing in democracy. I lost three presidential elections in Brazil before I was elected in 2002. I proved, with the help of the people, that someone of modest origins could be a good president. I completed my two terms with 87% approval ratings. That is the disapproval rating for the current president Michel Temer, who was not elected.
I am leading in polls even when judicial persecution has led to my imprisonment.
Over the eight years in which I governed the country, we had the strongest social inclusion in history, and this continued into the presidency of my comrade Dilma Rousseff. I took 36 million people out of extreme misery and allowed 40 million to join the middle class. Our country came to enjoy exceptional international prestige. In 2009, Le Monde designated me "Man of the Year." I received that honor not as an indication of personal merit but in recognition of the progress of Brazilian society.
Seven years after leaving the presidency, and after a defamation campaign launched against myself and my party by Brazil's most powerful press group and sectors of the judiciary, the country is now facing a very different moment: that of democratic setbacks and a prolonged economic crisis. The poorest sectors of the population are suffering from unemployment and falling wages, high living costs and the dismantling of social programs.
Every day more and more Brazilians are rejecting the agenda established against social rights after the parliamentary coup, which has opened the way for a neoliberal program. It is an agenda that electors have rejected four times with their votes.
I am currently on top, by a wide margin, the voter intention polls because Brazilians know the country can do better. I am leading in polls even when judicial persecution has led to my imprisonment.
My house and my children's homes, were ransacked, and my personal accounts and those of the Lula Institute combed through. But they found no evidence against me, and no crime for which I could be blamed. A judge known for his bias has condemned me to 12 years imprisonment for "unspecified acts." He alleges, falsely, that I am the owner of an apartment in which I have never slept, and of which I have had neither ownership, use — nor even the keys. To prevent me from running in the elections and campaigning for my party, they have had to disregard certain paragraphs of the Brazilian Constitution.
But my problems pale in comparison to those suffered by Brazilians. To rob the PT party of power after the 2014 elections, they did not hesitate to sabotage the economy with irresponsible parliamentary decisions, and organize, with media orchestration, a denigration campaign against the government. In December 2014, the jobless rate in Brazil was 4.7% of the active population. Today it is 13.1%.
Poverty has increased, hunger is spreading and university gates are once more closing to the children of the working class. Research investments are in free fall.
Lula in Sao Paulo on Jan. 25 — Photo: Rahel Patrasso/Xinhua/ZUMA
Brazil must reconquer its sovereignty and national interests. Under the PT government, Brazil acted in the international arena to protect the environment and fight against hunger. I was invited to all G8 meetings, and helped articulate G20. I participated in the creation of BRICS gatherings of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, and in the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR). Today, Brazil has become a foreign-policy pariah. International leaders avoid visiting the country. South America is fragmented, with increasingly serious regional crises and recourse to ever-weaker diplomatic instruments.
Part of the population that backed President Rousseff's downfall after an intensive campaign by affiliates of the Globo media group, which holds a monopoly of communications in the country, has realized that the coup was not against PT. It was against the upward mobility of the poorest in society, and against workers' rights. Against Brazil.
I refuse any accusation of such crimes through a judicial farce.
I have spent 40 years in public life. I began in the trade union movement. I founded a political party with comrades from around the country, and we fought together against the political forces of the 1980s, for a democratic constitution. As a presidential candidate, I promised, struggled for and kept my promise to demand the right for all Brazilians to have three meals a day, so they would not know the hunger I knew as a child.
I have governed one of the world's greatest economies and did not give in to pressures to back the war in Iraq and other military actions. My war was against abject poverty and hunger. I did not submit my country and its natural wealth to foreign interests.
After my terms, I went home to the same apartment I had lived in before becoming president. This was less than a kilometer away from the metalworkers' union in Sao Bernardo do Campo a suburb of Sao Paulo, where I began my political life.
I have my honor, and I shall never make concessions in the fight to prove my innocence and preserve my political rights. As president, I used all means to wage the fight against corruption, and refuse any accusation of such crimes through a judicial farce.
The October elections, which will bring a new president, a new Congress and new state governors, are an opportunity for Brazil to debate its problems and define its future democratically, by voting, like a civilized nation. But they will only be democratic if all political forces can take part freely and fairly.
I was already president, and my plans did not include running for that office again. But facing the disaster befalling the Brazilian people, my candidacy offers Brazil a way to recover the path of social inclusion, democratic dialogue, national sovereignty and economic growth to build a fairer and more generous country. A country that would once more become a reference around the world, as a defender of peace and cooperation among peoples.
*Note: A group of six past European leaders have called on Brazilian authorities to allow Lula to run for president in October. Former French President François Hollande, former Italian Prime Ministers Romano Prodi, Massimo D'Alema and Enrico Letta, former Belgian Prime Minister Elio Di Rupo and former Spanish Prime Minister José Luis Rodriguez Zapatero signed a letter published in Le Monde praising Lula as "defender of the poor of his country," and voicing their concern for his "hasty imprisonment."
This leading French daily newspaper Le Monde ("The World") was founded in December 1944 in the aftermath of World War II. Today, it is distributed in 120 countries. In late 2010, a trio formed by Pierre Berge, Xavier Niel and Matthieu Pigasse took a controlling 64.5% stake in the newspaper.
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A neo-Nazi has been buried in the former grave of a Jewish musicologist Max Friedlaender – not an oversight, but a deliberate provocation. This is just one more example of antisemitism on the rise in Germany, and society's inability to respond.
Eva Marie Kogel
October 24, 2021
BERLIN — If you want to check the state of your society, there's a simple test: as the U.S. High Commissioner for Germany, John Jay McCloy, said in 1949, the touchstone for a democracy is the well-being of Jews. This litmus test is still relevant today. And it seems Germany would not pass.
Incidents are piling up. Most recently, groups of neo-Nazis from across the country traveled to a church near Berlin for the funeral of a well-known far-right figure. He was buried in the former grave of Jewish musicologist Max Friedlaender, a gravesite chosen deliberately by the right-wing extremists.
The incident at the cemetery
They intentionally chose a Jewish grave as an act of provocation, trying to gain maximum publicity for this act of desecration. And the cemetery authorities at the graveyard in Stahnsdorf fell for it. The church issued an immediate apology, calling it a "terrible mistake" and saying they "must immediately see whether and what we can undo."
There are so many incidents that get little to no media attention.
It's unfathomable that this burial was allowed to take place at all, but now the cemetery authorities need to make a decision quickly about how to put things right. Otherwise, the grave may well become a pilgrimage site for Holocaust deniers and antisemites.
The incident has garnered attention in the international press and it will live long in the memory. Like the case of singer-songwriter Gil Ofarim, who recently claimed he was subjected to antisemitic abuse at a hotel in Leipzig. Details of the crime are still being investigated. But there are so many other incidents that get little to no media attention.
The grave of Jewish musicologist Max Friedlaender
Crimes against Jews are rising
Across all parts of society, antisemitism is on the rise. Until a few years ago, Jewish life was seen as an accepted part of German society. Since the attack on the synagogue in Halle in 2019, the picture has changed: it was a bitter reminder that right-wing terror against Jewish people has a long, unbroken history in Germany.
Stories have abounded about the coronavirus crisis being a Jewish conspiracy; meanwhile, Muslim antisemitism is becoming louder and more forceful. The anti-Israel boycott movement BDS rears its head in every debate on antisemitism, just as left-wing or post-colonial thinking are part of every discussion.
Jewish life needs to be allowed to step out of the shadows.
Since 2015, the number of antisemitic crimes recorded has risen by about a third, to 2,350. But victims only report around 20% of cases. Some choose not to because they've had bad experiences with the police, others because they're afraid of the perpetrators, and still others because they just want to put it behind them. Victims clearly hold out little hope of useful reaction from the state – so crimes go unreported.
And the reality of Jewish life in Germany is a dark one. Sociologists say that Jewish children are living out their "identity under siege." What impact does it have on them when they can only go to nursery under police protection? Or when they hear Holocaust jokes at school?
Germany needs to take its antisemitism seriously
This shows that the country of commemorative services and "stumbling blocks" placed in sidewalks as a memorial to victims of the Nazis has lost its moral compass. To make it point true north again, antisemitism needs to be documented from the perspective of those affected, making it visible to the non-Jewish population. And Jewish life needs to be allowed to step out of the shadows.
That is the first thing. The second is that we need to talk about specifically German forms of antisemitism. For example, the fact that in no other EU country are Jewish people so often confronted about the Israeli government's policies (according to a survey, 41% of German Jews have experienced this, while the EU average is 28%). Projecting the old antisemitism onto the state of Israel offers people a more comfortable target for their arguments.
Our society needs to have more conversations about antisemitism. The test of German democracy, as McCloy called it, starts with taking these concerns seriously and talking about them. We need to have these conversations because it affects all of us. It's about saving our democracy. Before it's too late.
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Die Welt ("The World") is a German daily founded in Hamburg in 1946, and currently owned by the Axel Springer AG company, Europe's largest publishing house. Now based in Berlin, Die Welt is sold in more than 130 countries. A Sunday edition called Welt am Sonntag has been published since 1948.
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