We, The Ochlocracy: How Democracies Devolve Into Mob Rule

-OpEd-

BOGOTÁ — We are living in extraordinary times, there’s no doubt about it. And a part of the exceptional nature of our times is that we are witnessing the end of democracy, or rather, its progressive degradation into ochlocracy, or mob rule.

As early as the 4th century B.C., Plato warned sternly about the dangers of uncontrolled democracy. Drawing on his direct experience of Athenian democracy — the same democracy that unjustly sentenced his teacher Socrates to death — Plato tells us that in the degenerated democracy (ochlocracy), “the people are enslaved by themselves,” being manipulated by demagogues who flatter them and exploit their fears and passions.

According to the social cycle theory proposed by the Roman historian Polybius in the 2nd century B.C., forms of government follow a predictable cycle where each type of regime degenerates over time to be replaced by another. The cycle begins with monarchy, understood to be the rule of a single just and virtuous individual, which inevitably degenerates into tyranny or an autocratic and corrupt regime.

This tyranny is overthrown by aristocracy or government by the best based on merit, which eventually is also corrupted to become an oligarchy, or the few governing in their own interest. Eventually, a democracy emerges, where the people share power equally. But over time this regime degenerates, in turn, into ochlocracy — the irrational rule of the mob, guided by the passions of the moment, charlatanism and disorder. 

Degraded popular power

This theory profoundly influenced Western political thought, inspiring authors like the Italian Machiavelli and the 18^th century Frenchman Montesquieu, as well as the founders of modern democracies who attempted to design political systems that would avoid both tyranny and ochlocracy.

The ochlocracies in many Western democracies, including Colombia’s, are characterized by a popular power that is exceeding itself to become the unchecked power of the masses, led by emotions, populist leaders who arrogate themselves the right to represent entirely the popular will, and momentary or coincidental pressures. In this degraded form of popular power, decisions are not based on rational debate or respect for the legal framework, but rather emerge from emotional pressure, manipulation and the imposition of a majority without checks and balances.

This dynamic fosters short-termism, exacerbates social polarization and weakens institutions.

When power sustains itself with constant popular agitation, leaders are often moved to act from a repeated need to obtain legitimacy based on a plebiscitary democracy. And while this creates the illusion of total identification between the leader and the people, it is a dynamic that fosters short-termism, exacerbates social polarization and weakens institutions. Instead of strengthening citizen participation, it distorts it, promoting collective decisions influenced by prejudice and misinformation. Manipulating the masses thus becomes easier, while public confidence in democracy itself is undermined.

A thin line

The 20th-century Italian strongman Benito Mussolini and his contemporary, the German dictator Adolf Hitler effectively used collective emotions, social frustration and injured nationalism to mobilize the masses and consolidate totalitarian regimes. In both cases, the popular mobilization was not spontaneous but carefully orchestrated, taking advantage of the institutional vacuum and discreting of parliamentary democracy.

The Jan. 6, 2021 assault on the U.S. Capitol by supporters of the outgoing Republican president, Donald Trump, who refused to accept the results of a certified election, is a good example of how ochlocracy can even burst into established democracies.

Healthy democracies develop citizens who can understand the complexity of power.

There is a thin line between democracy and ochlocracy, and crossing it depends not only on institutions but also the political culture of citizens. To avoid falling into ochlocratic chaos, it is essential to strengthen civic education, the free press and rational debate.

Healthy democracies are not those that simply allow voting, but those that develop citizens who can understand the complexity of power, respect the law and resist emotional manipulation. The republican tradition insists on the need for structures that curb the excesses of any group, be it an oligarchic minority or a passionate majority.

The constitution, rule of law and the separation of powers are not obstacles to the power of the people: They are the conditions that make it possible and sustainable.