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Streets To Schools: How Education In India Can Reach Everyone

Absent in India's schools, which help reinforce power imbalances, is any real acknowledgement of street-level efforts to push back.

A schoolgirl in Chennai
A schoolgirl in Chennai
Yuvraj Singh


NEW DELHI — At the beginning of 2020, I was living near Hauz Rani Gandhi Park, one of the sites of protest against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), the National Register of Citizens (NRC), and the National Population Register (NPR). One night, when I was out to buy daily groceries, I saw a group of children running down the narrow streets of Hauz Rani holding a portrait of Dr B.R. Ambedkar and chanting the slogans of Azadi. Soon these sightings became commonplace.

On my way to buy milk and bread, I would often notice children, mixed in among adult protesters, chanting "azaadi" slogans and waving tricolor national flags. Sometimes they were not actively participating but just accompanying their mothers to the protest site, sleeping in their arms, seeking the warmth and comfort of their bodies in the cold of the night. In any case, this protest, it appeared to me, had become a significant part of their lives.

During this time, as a student of the sociology of education, I was visiting a school in the same area on a weekly basis. I would observe the practices in the classrooms and talk to teachers and students on various aspects of curriculum and pedagogy. And what struck me most during these visits was that the protests did not figure as a subject matter in the classroom.

This ongoing protest that was visibly touching the lives of so many students so deeply was completely absent from their classrooms. It is this dissonance between "the street" and "the school" that I want to use as an entry point to reflect on the nature of schooling in India.

Formal schooling, given the fact that it is by and large organized and regulated by the government, is a political process and therefore closely related to power. The relationship between schooling and power is a crucial one. Michel Foucault located "the school" in the same category as "the clinic" and "the prison" — as an institution of control and surveillance. Several scholars have accentuated the key role that schools, as part of state apparatus, play in reproducing the existing inequalities and furthering the socio-economic interests of the dominant strata.

In order to understand schooling as a mechanism of social control, it is important to examine the outer and inner contours of educational inequalities in the Indian context. Let me first take the case of the "exteriority" of educational inequality. The Indian school system, like the caste system, is structurally hierarchal. The quality of education one gets is a function of one's milieu, which means that the children belonging to marginalized castes receive the poorest quality education. In substance, the system favors the advantaged and disfavors the disadvantaged.

Formal schooling is organized and regulated by the government — Photo: Sumit Saraswat/Pacific Press via ZUMA Wire

Then there is the issue of the "interiority" of educational inequality. The punitive and violent pedagogy that Bahujan students face inside the schools is no secret. India Exclusion Report 2013-14 categorically mentions corporal punishment, verbal abuse, humiliation, and segregation as forms of overt discrimination against children from oppressed communities.
The upshot of this pedagogy of repression is that those who are at the margins, those whose inheritance is collective trauma and loss, are forced to leave. It is unsurprising, then, that the school dropout rate is highest among students from the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.

There is also a less conspicuous way in which the repressive pedagogy operates inside classrooms, which brings us onto the terrain of the politics of institutional knowledge. Schools preserve and propagate the form and content of the culture and knowledge of powerful groups, defining it as legitimate knowledge.

Behind the veil of neutrality, schools act as catalysts in the social reproduction of power and privilege.

In his seminal work Why I am not a Hindu, Professor Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd, using experience as a framework, elaborates on how school curriculum invalidates the lives of the marginalized: "Dalitbhaujan life figured nowhere in the curriculum." Reflecting on the school-textbook content, Ilaiah writes, "The language of the textbooks was not the one that our communities spoke... The textbook morality was different from our living morality."

Although India did proclaim a legal commitment towards children's education through the Right to Education (RTE) Act 2009, it has failed to build the equitable institutions through which the commitment might be realized.

Behind the veil of neutrality, schools act as catalysts in the social reproduction of power and privilege. Certain forms of knowledge are not allowed to become part of school knowledge, because they threaten the existing power relations. The impossibility of discourse on protest is precisely what the pedagogy of repression engenders, for protest is the language of discontent, the instrument to challenge the status quo.

Could the boundary separating the school premises from the streets, fade away? — Photo: Vishal Bhatnagar/NurPhoto via ZUMA Press

This stands at variance with critical pedagogy, which, in the words of Henry Giroux, educates students "to become critical agents who actively question and negotiate the relationships between theory and practice, critical analysis and common sense, and learning and social change." It allows educational institutions to listen to what is being discussed in the streets while designing pedagogical practices.

Paulo Freire, the pioneer of critical pedagogy, imagined education as a political and moral transformative practice. For him, it enabled the student to self-reflect, explore what it means to be a critical citizen, and meaningfully participate in a democracy. Dr. Ambedkar too saw education as a liberating force, one that is capable of kindling the transformation within. The "Agitate" part in his famous slogan "Educate, Agitate, Organize" signifies the transformative character of education.

It troubles me to think of the recent developments in the education landscape. But there is no surprise. After the Delhi police stormed Jamia Milia Islamia's library, tear-gassed the space, and lathi-charged the students, I stopped feeling surprised. It doesn't shock me anymore that privatization and philanthrocapitalism in education are being legitimized, that learning is being reduced to learning outcomes, that schoolification of pre-primary education is being promoted, that exclusion of Bhaujans from education is being mandated, and that scholars and student activists are being incarcerated.

Is it hopelessness? Perhaps not. But it is certainly something close. Now the rare moments when I encounter hope are when I think of the Fatima Sheikh-Savitribai Phule Library at the Shaheen Bagh protest site, when I think of so many brilliant and passionate teachers, educators, students and activists that I have come across.

And if I think of them long enough, I begin to imagine the school boundary — separating the school premises from the streets — fading away. I think of the school moving to the street and the street to the school. Sometimes, for a brief moment, I even allow myself to go as far as to imagine schools and universities redefining education as a practice of freedom, reclaiming what has been lost, embodying a pedagogy of Azadi.

*Yuvraj Singh holds a master's in education, with a speciality on the interface between education policy and power

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Pasta v. Fascists: How Italy's Staple Dish Became A Symbol Of Resistance

Pasta may not be considered controversial today, but it played an important role during Italy's fascist years, particularly in one family's celebration of community and liberation.

Photo of the Cervi family.

Photo of the Cervi family, whose seven children were shot by the Fascists on December 28, 1943, at the Reggio Emilia shooting range.

@comunisti_alla_ribalta via Instagram
Jacopo Fontaneto

ROME — Eighty years ago — on July 25, 1943 — the vote of no confidence by the Grand Council of Fascism, leading to Benito Mussolini's arrest, set off widespread celebrations. In Campegine, a small village in the Emilian province, the Cervi family celebrated in their own way: they brought 380 kilograms of pasta in milk cans to the town square and offered it to all the inhabitants of the village.

The pasta was strictly plain: macaroni dressed with butter and cheese, seen as more of a "festive dish" in that period of deprivation. As soon as the Cervi brothers learned about the arrest of Mussolini, they procured flour, borrowed butter and cheese from the dairy, and prepared kilos and kilos of pasta. They then loaded it onto a cart to distribute it to their fellow villagers. Pastasciutta (dry pasta) specifically regards dishes with noodles that are plated "dry", not in broth. That would disqualify soup, risotto, ravioli...

Even though pastasciutta is the most stereotypical type of pasta today, it had a complicated relationship with the government during Italy's fascist years.

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