Nishtha Satyam* and Francine Pickup
December 21, 2018
NEW DELHI — One in three women today — irrespective of social status, class, race, country or age group — continue to experience violence and abuse. Tragically, the perpetrators are most often someone they know: partners, family members, teachers or colleagues.
The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) noted in its most recent report, "Global Study on Homicide: Gender-related killing of women and girls," that of the approximately 87,000 women killed around the world last year, some 50,000 — or 58% — were victims of intimate partners or family members.
In the #MeToo era we finally appear to be at a tipping point where women and girls around the world are calling out sexual harassment and other forms of violence. In India, where according to the National Crime Records Bureau, 2.5 million crimes against women have been reported in the past decade, many women have shared their experiences of harassment — on the street, at home and at work. And yet, survivors of violence are often blamed and their testimonies systematically put in doubt.
Across the world and in India, #MeToo is about the shrinking voices, choices and agency of women. And nowhere is this more evident than at the workplace, where concerns over personal safety and security have contributed to an alarmingly low (and declining) participation of women in the labor force. At 27%, India has one of the lowest female labor force participation rates in the world.
Since 2005, the economy has more than doubled in size and the number of working-age women has grown by a quarter — to 470 million. Yet, nearly 10 million fewer women are in jobs. Women here are less likely to work than they are in any country in the G20 besides Saudi Arabia.
At 27%, India has one of the lowest female labor force participation rates in the world.
The question, then, is why? More and more women are enrolling in colleges (nearly half of all undergraduates are women) and more and more are graduating, which at least ought to subvert one paradox: that the more education a girl gets, the less likely she is to work, unless she continues her studies past school. It's not that women don't want to work. Census data suggest that 31% of stay-at-home women would work if jobs were available. When opportunities exist, they are snapped up. A government make-work scheme that guarantees 100 days of paid labor a year for rural Indians has more female than male participants.
It would be reductive to attribute declining labor force participation to any single factor, especially given the complex web of sociocultural barriers in India that prevent women from seeking jobs unless compelled by financial necessity. The government has made an effort to dismantle some of these barriers through schemes to provide support services to working women and legislative measures to enhance maternity benefits.
Still, given the reality of declining workforce participation by women, we can be certain that concerns about security and safety at the workplace, as well as experiences of harassment, weigh in the decision to seek or drop-off employment, once financial circumstances improve. Often, the fear of harassment and restrictions imposed on women's mobility prevent them from going to work or seeking opportunities outside their homes. Violence against women in private and public spaces may also confine women to their roles as primary caregivers.
Woman walking in Mumbai — Photo: Himanshu Singh Gurjar
Beyond the stories we have heard on social media, there are probably tens of thousands of incidents of harassment at the workplace — for instance of women who work in housekeeping and maintenance, in secretarial positions, the less-educated, poor, rural, lower-caste women who work long hours — that get no attention. The normalization of sexual harassment and inequality in the workplace makes it so difficult for any woman, but especially for these women, to be heard and to come forward that it is no wonder they choose to leave as soon as they can afford it.
This reticence to seek employment is costing India. There is a wealth of research that shows that with greater gender equality comes less poverty. The government of Norway acknowledged recently that its national wealth is as much a consequence of its high rate of female workforce participation as its oil reserves.
Severe female under- and unemployment impairs economic and human development. Studies show that women with their own economic resources — a piece of land, for example — are far less likely to be victims of domestic violence. And because women, when they have grater financial control, direct more of their families' resources toward feeding and educating children, it can mean better educated, healthier citizens and greater resilience in the face of crisis. The IMF estimates that gender parity in the workforce could increase India's GDP by as much as 27%.
Companies must take on the task of nurturing gender diversity.
It doesn't have to be like this. We know there are solutions and interventions that work to unlock the transformational change we want to see. There are already legal guidelines to protect women against and prevent sexual harassment at the workplace. There is no time like the present to take those guidelines seriously and implement them in order to build a safe workplace. In addition, we need to ensure that women gain equal and unhindered access to and ownership of productive resources, including land, energy, technology and finance. We must also promote the sharing of domestic and care work between men and women.
Companies must take on the task of nurturing gender diversity in their ranks by providing infrastructure that would enable female participation in the workplace, such as hostels for working women and daycare for their children. They will need to ensure gender responsive human resource departments, procurement and marketing policies that provide flexible working arrangements, equal wages and targets for recruiting women at all levels.
We've seen how employers have embraced the Disha project (an initiative by the United Nations Development Programme aimed at skill building and creating entrepreneurship and employment opportunities for women in partnership with India Development Foundation and supported by Ikea Foundation) to employ women in core retail functions such as customer relations and sales, goods flow replenishment, food restaurant co-workers and cashiers.
A supportive and sensitive workplace with robust redressal mechanisms for sexual harassment can help complainants prevent cases of abuse in future — and perhaps even stop women from falling off the workforce. Safe working spaces are more than a social issue — they are a competitive advantage that could ensure India's economic future.
*Nishtha Satyam is Deputy Representative, UN Women MCO for India, Bhutan, Maldives and Sri Lanka. Francine Pickup is Country Director, UNDP India.
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The Saudis may be awaiting the outcome of Iran's nuclear talks with the West, to see whether Tehran will moderate its regional policies, or lash out like never before.
October 21, 2021
LONDON — The Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Saeed Khatibzadeh said earlier this month that Iranian and Saudi negotiators had so far had four rounds of "continuous" talks, though both sides had agreed to keep them private. The talks are to ease fraught relations between Iran's radical Shia regime and the Saudi kingdom, a key Western ally in the Middle East.
Iran's Foreign Minister Hossein Amirabdollahian has said that the talks were going in the right direction, while an Iranian trade official was recently hopeful these might even allow trade opportunities for Iranian businessmen in Saudi Arabia. As the broadcaster France 24 observed separately, it will take more than positive signals to heal a five-year-rift and decades of mutual suspicions.
Agence France-Presse news agency, meanwhile, has cited an unnamed French diplomat as saying that Saudi Arabia wants to end its costly discord with Tehran. The sides may already have agreed to reopen consular offices. For Saudi Arabia, the costs include its war on Iran-backed Houthis rebels fighting an UN-recognized government in next-door Yemen.
The role of the nuclear pact
Bilateral relations were severed in January 2016, after regime militiamen stormed the Saudi embassy in Tehran. Amirabdollahian was then the deputy foreign minister for Arab affairs. In 2019, he told the website Iranian Diplomacy that Saudi Arabia had taken measures vis-a-vis Iran's nuclear pact with the world powers.
It's unlikely Ali Khamenei will tolerate the Saudi kingdom's rising power in the region.
He said "the Saudis' insane conduct toward [the pact] led them to conclude that they must prevent [its implementation] in a peaceful environment ... I think the Saudis are quite deluded, and their delusion consists in thinking that Trump is an opportunity for them to place themselves on the path of conflict with the Islamic Republic while relying on Trump." He meant the administration led by the U.S. President Donald J.Trump, which was hostile to Iran's regime. This, he said, "is not how we view Saudi Arabia. I think Yemen should have been a big lesson for the Saudis."
The minister was effectively admitting the Houthis were the Islamic Republic's tool for getting back at Saudi Arabia.
Yet in the past two years, both sides have taken steps to improve relations, without firm results as yet. Nor is the situation likely to change this time.
Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei in 2020commons.wikimedia.org
Riyadh's warming relations with Israel
Iran's former ambassador in Lebanon, Ahmad Dastmalchian, told the ILNA news agency in Tehran that Saudi Arabia is doing Israel's bidding in the region, and has "entrusted its national security, and life and death to Tel Aviv." Riyadh, he said, had been financing a good many "security and political projects in the region," or acting as a "logistical supplier."
The United States, said Dastmalchian, has "in turn tried to provide intelligence and security backing, while Israel has simply followed its own interests in all this."
Furthermore, it seems unlikely Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei will tolerate, even in this weak period of his leadership, the kingdom's rising power in the region and beyond, and especially its financial clout. He is usually disparaging when he speaks of Riyadh's princely rulers. In 2017, he compared them to "dairy cows," saying, "the idiots think that by giving money and aid, they can attract the goodwill of Islam's enemies."
Iranian regime officials are hopeful of moving toward better diplomatic ties and a reopening of embassies. Yet the balance of power between the sides began to change in Riyadh's favor years ago. For the kingdom's power has shifted from relying mostly on arms, to economic and political clout. The countries might have had peaceful relations before in considerably quieter, and more equitable, conditions than today's acute clash of interests.
If nuclear talks break down, Iran's regime may become more aggressive.
Beyond this, the Abraham Accord or reconciliation of Arab states and Israel has been possible thanks to the green light that the Saudis gave their regional partners, and it is a considerable political and ideological defeat for the Islamic Republic.
Assuming all Houthis follow Tehran's instructions — and they may not — improved ties may curb attacks on Saudi interests and aid its economy. Tehran will also benefit from no longer having to support them. Unlike Iran's regime, the Saudis are not pressed for cash or resources and could even offer the Houthis a better deal. Presently, they may consider it more convenient to keep the softer approach toward Tehran.
For if nuclear talks with the West break down, Iran's regime may become more aggressive, and as experience has shown, tensions often prompt a renewal of missile or drone attacks on the Saudis, on tankers and on foreign shipping. Riyadh must have a way of keeping the Tehran regime quiet, in a distinctly unquiet time.
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Kayhan is a Persian-language, London-based spinoff of the conservative daily of the same name headquartered in Tehran. It was founded in 1984 by Mostafa Mesbahzadeh, the owner of the Iranian paper. Unlike its Tehran sister paper, considered "the most conservative Iranian newspaper," the London-based version is mostly run by exiled journalists and is very critical of the Iranian regime.
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