A Day In The Life Of Rosemarie, Getting A PhD On Death At Age 93

Rosemarie Achenbach
Rosemarie Achenbach
Hannes Vollmuth


She wakes early, usually at 6 a.m., and fetches the newspaper. A morning without Sudoku is not a morning worth facing. After she solves the puzzle, she takes her medication, eats two sandwiches with butter and jam and climbs back into bed. Once she's under the covers, Rosemarie Achenbach, aged 93, frees her laptop from under a crocheted blanket, and begins to write. She's working on a PhD thesis; her subject matter: the philosophy of death.

Late morning

She lives alone in a suburb of Siegen in western Germany. Her house, which lies at the end of a road, is filled with photographs of family and weddings, books, oak cupboards, stained glass windows and curtains through which the morning sunshine filters through, illuminating her snow-white hair. Rosemarie Achenbach is a small woman. Dressed in a denim skirt and blouse, she's prone to giggling and starts to recite poetry when she runs out of things to say.

But, for her, death is more than just a PhD topic. "Because I am so close to it, you really could not get any closer to it than I am, it is just the logical result."

She was 84 years old when she started to write her PhD paper on death. Now, nine years later, she's still working on it. "You have to know your subject area," she says. "You can't write nonsense." Achenbach reads a lot. She is focused at the moment on near-death experiences and quantum theory. But, for her, death is more than just a PhD topic. "Because I am so close to it, you really could not get any closer to it than I am, it is just the logical result." And then she starts to giggle.

She points towards the living room cabinet. "Go ahead, open it." And there, between Rosenthal porcelain, are stacks of pages labeled with such terms as "Brain," "War," "Hospice," "Illusion," "Spirituality," "Post Mortem," and "Dying." There are about 300 pages — both handwritten and typed. Another giggle escapes her. "Quite astonishing, isn't it?"

Statements on death are, by their very nature, rather speculative. She knows that and even thinks that this is a good thing, comforting in a way, that you can't know everything. But it is, nonetheless, something of interest to her. What is death? What happens when you die? Humans are the only beings aware of their mortality. Achenbach has been fascinated by that fact ever since she was young.


She usually goes to lectures and seminars at this time, driving to them in her Volkswagen Beetle. In the backseat is a dusty copy of Shakespeare"s drama Julius Caesar. Achenbach is able to recite a speech from it from memory. She does so while driving. "I come to bury Caesar, not to praise him. The evil that men do lives after them."

She does not travel all the way to the university in Siegen as it is too strenuous. Instead, she drives to a bus stop, goes to a kiosk to buy a Coke and waits for the bus. An acquaintance, roughly her age, comes up to her. The woman who approached her says later that she "feels like s**t" and shuffles off.

To Achenbach, all people her age seem old to her. Many of them just want to complain and talk about their aches and pains, she says. On our way to the university, we sit next to students with smartphones and stylish headphones over their gelled hair. But Achenbach does not want to complain, she wants to discuss things. She starts talking about German philosopher Martin Heidegger, who she says was obsessed with death. His links to the Nazi party do not sit well with her. Schopenhauer, she says, is much more interesting. He said that without the knowledge of death mankind would not philosophize — a statement she agrees with. Sartre is sensible because he saw death as a horrible experience. But Epicurus was oversimplifying things by saying that death is nothing that ought to concern us because when death arrives, we're already gone. "He is trying to fool himself," says Achenbach.

At the university

The University of Siegen is situated on a mountain and is a functional building from the 1970s with flat roofs and low ceilings. Achenbach shuffles into the Faculty of Philosophy, climbs the 24 steps up to room AR-HB 103/104 and waits for her course on "Thanatos and his enemies — the death wish in Freud's social and cultural theory" to begin. The lecturer looks like the German actor Jürgen Vogel. He's wearing a t-shirt and chews gum. A wasp is buzzing against the closed window. There are four students in the room. After 30 minutes, the lecturer draws a diagram on the blackboard along with the words "Motive" and "Reason."

Achenbach was 18 years old when she started to study psychology, philosophy and psychiatry in Munich. The Nazis had just murdered the Scholl siblings at the time. She tried to study as much as possible but mostly remembers the bombs being dropped on the city at night, a loud whistling sound and the fear of death itself. After completing three semesters, she was sent to Poland for "labor services'. It was a suicide mission, but she was not aware of this at the time. She then had to flee the invading Russians and the memories of that are still engraved in her brain.

After the war, she married a Protestant vicar, moved to Siegen and raised three children. She says she never had a single minute to herself and was forced to obey her husband. She often cried at night. It is a German life and a long life over which she had little control until her husband died in 2003. The next year, Achenbach traveled to Paris instead of visiting her children as she usually does. She strolled through the Louvre, ate croissants and baguettes, and took the city metro on her own for the first time. When she returned home, Achenbach wanted to do only one thing: get an academic degree.

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How Thailand's Lèse-Majesté Law Is Used To Stifle All Protest

Once meant to protect the royal family, the century-old law has become a tool for the military-led government in Bangkok to stamp out all dissent. A new report outlines the abuses.

Pro-Democracy protest at The Criminal Court in Bangkok, Thailand

Laura Valentina Cortés Sierra

"We need to reform the institution of the monarchy in Thailand. It is the root of the problem." Those words, from Thai student activist Juthatip Sirikan, are a clear expression of the growing youth-led movement that is challenging the legitimacy of the government and demanding deep political changes in the Southeast Asian nation. Yet those very same words could also send Sirikan to jail.

Thailand's Criminal Code 'Lèse-Majesté' Article 112 imposes jail terms for defaming, insulting, or threatening the monarchy, with sentences of three to 15 years. This law has been present in Thai politics since 1908, though applied sparingly, only when direct verbal or written attacks against members of the royal family.

But after the May 2014 military coup d'état, Thailand experienced the first wave of lèse-majesté arrests, prosecutions, and detentions of at least 127 individuals arrested in a much wider interpretation of the law.

The recent report 'Second Wave: The Return of Lèse-Majesté in Thailand', documents how the Thai government has "used and abused Article 112 of the Criminal Code to target pro-democracy activists and protesters in relation to their online political expression and participation in peaceful pro-democracy demonstrations."

Criticism of any 'royal project'

The investigation shows 124 individuals, including at least eight minors, have been charged with lèse-majesté between November 2020 and August 2021. Nineteen of them served jail time. The new wave of charges is cited as a response to the rising pro-democracy protests across Thailand over the past year.

Juthatip Sirikan explains that the law is now being applied in such a broad way that people are not allowed to question government budgets and expenditure if they have any relationship with the royal family, which stifles criticism of the most basic government decision-making since there are an estimated 5,000 ongoing "royal" projects. "Article 112 of lèse-majesté could be the key (factor) in Thailand's political problems" the young activist argues.

In 2020 the Move Forward opposition party questioned royal spending paid by government departments, including nearly 3 billion baht (89,874,174 USD) from the Defense Ministry and Thai police for royal security, and 7 billion baht budgeted for royal development projects, as well as 38 planes and helicopters for the monarchy. Previously, on June 16, 2018, it was revealed that Thailand's Crown Property Bureau transferred its entire portfolio to the new King Maha Vajiralongkorn.

photo of graffiti of 112 crossed out on sidewalk

Protestors In Bangkok Call For Political Prisoner Release

Peerapon Boonyakiat/SOPA Images via ZUMA Wire

Freedom of speech at stake

"Article 112 shuts down all freedom of speech in this country", says Sirikan. "Even the political parties fear to touch the subject, so it blocks most things. This country cannot move anywhere if we still have this law."

The student activist herself was charged with lèse-majesté in September 2020, after simply citing a list of public documents that refer to royal family expenditure. Sirikan comes from a family that has faced the consequences of decades of political repression. Her grandfather, Tiang Sirikhan was a journalist and politician who openly protested against Thailand's involvement in World War II. He was accused of being a Communist and abducted in 1952. According to Sirikhan's family, he was killed by the state.

The new report was conducted by The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), Thai Lawyer for Human Rights (TLHR), and Internet Law Reform Dialogue (iLaw). It accuses Thai authorities of an increasingly broad interpretation of Article 112, to the point of "absurdity," including charges against people for criticizing the government's COVID-19 vaccine management, wearing crop tops, insulting the previous monarch, or quoting a United Nations statement about Article 112.

Juthatip Sirikan speaks in front of democracy monument.

Shift to social media

While in the past the Article was only used against people who spoke about the royals, it's now being used as an alibi for more general political repression — which has also spurred more open campaigning to abolish it. Sirikan recounts recent cases of police charging people for spreading paint near the picture of the king during a protest, or even just for having a picture of the king as phone wallpaper.

The more than a century-old law is now largely playing out online, where much of today's protest takes place in Thailand. Sirikan says people are willing to go further on social media to expose information such as how the king intervenes in politics and the monarchy's accumulation of wealth, information the mainstream media rarely reports on them.

Not surprisingly, however, social media is heavily monitored and the military is involved in Intelligence operations and cyber attacks against human rights defenders and critics of any kind. In October 2020, Twitter took down 926 accounts, linked to the army and the government, which promoted themselves and attacked political opposition, and this June, Google removed two Maps with pictures, names, and addresses, of more than 400 people who were accused of insulting the Thai monarchy. "They are trying to control the internet as well," Sirikan says. "They are trying to censor every content that they find a threat".

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