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Geopolitics

For Ukraine, It's Time To Shift To Guerrilla Warfare

Ukraine cannot win the war against Russia's superior military power. But it can at least try not to lose it — with methods like those used in Vietnam or Algeria. Last week's sinking of the Moskva warship was a perfect example.

Two members of the Ukrainian military walk on the debris caused by Russian shelling in Kharkiv

Ukrainian military walk amid the debris from Russian shelling in Kharkiv last week.

Jacques Schuster

-Analysis-

Moscow's major offensive has begun in Donbas. The Russian military machine now appears ready to waltz mercilessly over eastern Ukraine, bringing death and terror.

Can the horror of the images that have been spread for weeks be surpassed? We have to assume so with an army like Russia's, which has made wanton murder and cruelty its trademarks.

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Let there be no illusion: Ukraine will not win this war. Moscow's military power is overwhelming — no matter how clumsily its invasion was planned. Even if Germany were to supply all the weapons it possesses to Kyiv, the Ukrainian army would not be able to defeat the Russians.


At least not in the sense in which European kingdoms defeated one another in the past, imposing humiliations and cessions of territory on the defeated, or at least demanding reparations for the endless suffering and damage the defeated unilaterally inflicted on them.

None of this is possible against the nuclear power of Moscow with its formidable conventional firepower as well.

Lessons from Vietnam and Algeria

But this realization that it can't win does not necessarily mean that Ukraine will lose the war.

What Ukrainians can achieve is to spoil the invader's attacks and make it impossible for him to exploit their own conventional-military inferiority and weakness to subjugate them.

Appear weak when you are strong and strong when you are weak.

This may sound modest, but it is hardly the case. The Vietnamese showed how it was done against the Americans, and before them the Algerians in the war against France. Both followed the fundamental lessons of guerrilla warfare.

One of those lessons is: know when to fight and when not to. A second: stubbornly dodge every decision as long as the enemy remains stronger, and accept no decision as final until a counterattack is successfully won. A third: appear weak when you are strong and strong when you are weak.

This strategy has the confusing property that the seemingly weaker side always wins and the apparent superiority turns out to be powerlessness; to the repeated dismay and embarrassment of the conventionally trained military and military policy experts.

Ukrainian military men in guerrilla structure in Odessa

Some Ukrainian military men in guerrilla structure in Odessa, Ukraine, 31 March,2022

ANSA/ZUMA

The right weapons

It is easy to see that this will take a lot of time, a lot of hard and bitter and terrible war time. And weapons!

But these too must be chosen wisely. In the current debate over the delivery of heavy war supplies, the question of strategy gets short shrift.

Does it make sense to supply Leopard tanks when the Ukrainians can only lose open tank battles against the Russians? Wouldn't it be more effective to provide them with the best anti-tank missiles the West has?

In the 1973 Yom Kippur War, the Egyptians almost succeeded in wearing down Israel's state-of-the-art armored forces with missiles. Why shouldn't something similar be possible in Ukraine today? Last week we saw the lesson of the Ukrainian missile attack on the Russian warship "Moskva," where there was no need for another warship to sink the enemy's great asset.

In this case, the Ukrainians used the strategy of guerrilla warfare. It will not lead to a Ukrainian victory parade in Moscow, but, hopefully, it will throw off every laid plan of the invader.

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Economy

Lex Tusk? How Poland’s Controversial "Russian Influence" Law Will Subvert Democracy

The new “lex Tusk” includes language about companies and their management. But is this likely to be a fair investigation into breaking sanctions on Russia, or a political witch-hunt in the business sphere?

Photo of President of the Republic of Poland Andrzej Duda

Polish President Andrzej Duda

Piotr Miaczynski, Leszek Kostrzewski

-Analysis-

WARSAW — Poland’s new Commission for investigating Russian influence, which President Andrzej Duda signed into law on Monday, will be able to summon representatives of any company for inquiry. It has sparked a major controversy in Polish politics, as political opponents of the government warn that the Commission has been given near absolute power to investigate and punish any citizen, business or organization.

And opposition politicians are expected to be high on the list of would-be suspects, starting with Donald Tusk, who is challenging the ruling PiS government to return to the presidency next fall. For that reason, it has been sardonically dubbed: Lex Tusk.

University of Warsaw law professor Michal Romanowski notes that the interests of any firm can be considered favorable to Russia. “These are instruments which the likes of Putin and Orban would not be ashamed of," Romanowski said.

The law on the Commission for examining Russian influences has "atomic" prerogatives sewn into it. Nine members of the Commission with the rank of secretary of state will be able to summon virtually anyone, with the powers of severe punishment.

Under the new law, these Commissioners will become arbiters of nearly absolute power, and will be able to use the resources of nearly any organ of the state, including the secret services, in order to demand access to every available document. They will be able to prosecute people for acts which were not prohibited at the time they were committed.

Their prerogatives are broader than that of the President or the Prime Minister, wider than those of any court. And there is virtually no oversight over their actions.

Nobody can feel safe. This includes companies, their management, lawyers, journalists, and trade unionists.

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