Geopolitics

Italian Mob Threatens Soccer Team Over Easter Procession

In Calabria, on the southern heel of the Italian boot, the ‘Ndrangheta crime syndicate may be more powerful than the Church, or even soccer. And on Easter, they all want to hold Santa Maria.

Easter
Easter
Giuseppe Salvaggiulo

SANT'ONOFRIO - Last year, in this small Italian village in the southern region of Calabria, someone fired a warning shot through the front door of the local priest of the Congregation of the Holy Rosary parish. Why was the clergyman singled out? He had the audacity to ban mobsters from Sant'Onofrio's annual Easter procession in honor of St. Mary.

But leading up to this year's Holy Week, the threats have only multiplied – and found a new target: members of a local soccer team, who had been assigned the honor by Bishop Luigi Renzo of carrying the statues of Saint Mary, Jesus, and Saint John during the Easter procession on Sunday.

The members of the "Ndrangheta, the increasingly powerful Calabrian organized crime network, regard their role in the religious parade as a public statement of their power. This kind of pagan-based tradition is tied to this organization's liturgy. For example, the group baptizes every new member, requiring him to take an oath while holding a burning portrait of the Archangel Michael.

In every village in Calabria, the religious parades are part of the same criminal ritual. Though now banned, there used to be an open auction for the role of who would carry the statues, but no one dared to outbid the mobsters. Inevitably, every year, the picciotti mob members paraded carrying the statues on their shoulder. The local boss used to lead the parade, walking backwards to be able to look at the faces of the saints. Recently, in a small mountain town close to the city of Reggio Calabria, the procession was diverted to pass in front of the home of the local boss, who was under house arrest.

In Saint'Onfrio the procession was the "Ndrangheta's privilege, until the bishop banned the group. The mobsters regarded the decision as an insult to their honor, turning their attention to the members of the soccer team, who had been appointed to the role. It began with nasty looks in the streets, jokes at the bar, and covert messages to the young soccer players. Then the serious threats came. The president of the team received an anonymous phone call suggesting that he stay away from the parade. On the morning of a match, the team's coach discovered that the tires of his car had been slashed during the night.

The right to not be a hero

The managers of the terrorized team -- alongside the players' desperate mothers – begged Bishop Renzo to reverse his decision. The party the team held to celebrate the last match of the season was a nightmare. Everyone kept asking about the parade. There were even TV crews. Slowly, all the club's players – who are students, bricklayers, and clerks in their 20s – gave up. "Please, we are scared," they finally confessed out loud.

The bishop was speechless, and the parish priest was left abandoned, as a sole local challenger of the mob. Ten days before Easter, no one wanted to risk his or her life for a parade. "We are against the ‘Ndrangheta, but we have the right not to be heroes," one villager said.

The hand of God finally appeared through the hand of the law. Firstly, Luisa Latella, prefect of Vibo Valentia, suggested that policemen and carabinieri officers should lead the parade. But people would not have liked that decision. So, she assembled leaders of the soccer team and the Church. "The mob cannot win," she said, explaining her plan to avoid a postponement of the procession, as happened last year.

The State organized the procession, to help the Church. Local associations were invited to assign a carrier of the statues so no one will be left alone against the ‘Ndrangheta. "If everyone is in, we are in too," said one. In the meantime, the police are patrolling the village and the people who will march in the parade are under police protection.

In Sant'Onofrio, one out of five people have links with organized crime. Two years ago, the elected municipal council was dissolved by national authorities because it was allegedly connected with the mafia. Here, fear is everywhere. Even in the Church, where Father Franco, after the afternoon service, turned pale when asked about the procession. "I'm busy," he said, quickly disappearing into the sacristy. Bishop Renzo is silent too. "I wrote what I wanted to say, now this is not my business anymore," he said.

Franco Petrolo, the 50-year-old president of the soccer team, works as an agent for the town council, but his real passions are painting and sports. In his youth, he studied at the Academy of Arts and played on a local soccer team. Two years ago, he decided to recreate a local team, putting together 20 men, the plumber Luigi Naccari as coach and one of his cousins as director. The members and a few sponsors cobbled together €8,000 for the seasonal budget.

Soccer is a great outlet in areas defined as the "Wild West" -- even by the district attorney Mario Spagnuolo -- where youth unemployment is 27 percent. This is why the bishop and the parish priest asked the soccer players to be involved in the religious parade. They are considered a positive symbol of the town. They happily accepted, without imagining what would happen. On Sunday, they will parade with those statues, but they will be carried on the shoulders of the entire town.

Read the original article in Italian.

Photo - photochopper

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Geopolitics

Iran-Saudi Arabia Rivalry May Be Set To Ease, Or Get Much Worse

The Saudis may be awaiting the outcome of Iran's nuclear talks with the West, to see whether Tehran will moderate its regional policies, or lash out like never before.

Military parade in Tehran, Iran, on Oct. 3

-Analysis-

LONDON — The Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Saeed Khatibzadeh said earlier this month that Iranian and Saudi negotiators had so far had four rounds of "continuous" talks, though both sides had agreed to keep them private. The talks are to ease fraught relations between Iran's radical Shia regime and the Saudi kingdom, a key Western ally in the Middle East.

Iran's Foreign Minister Hossein Amirabdollahian has said that the talks were going in the right direction, while an Iranian trade official was recently hopeful these might even allow trade opportunities for Iranian businessmen in Saudi Arabia. As the broadcaster France 24 observed separately, it will take more than positive signals to heal a five-year-rift and decades of mutual suspicions.


Agence France-Presse news agency, meanwhile, has cited an unnamed French diplomat as saying that Saudi Arabia wants to end its costly discord with Tehran. The sides may already have agreed to reopen consular offices. For Saudi Arabia, the costs include its war on Iran-backed Houthis rebels fighting an UN-recognized government in next-door Yemen.

The role of the nuclear pact

Bilateral relations were severed in January 2016, after regime militiamen stormed the Saudi embassy in Tehran. Amirabdollahian was then the deputy foreign minister for Arab affairs. In 2019, he told the website Iranian Diplomacy that Saudi Arabia had taken measures vis-a-vis Iran's nuclear pact with the world powers.

It's unlikely Ali Khamenei will tolerate the Saudi kingdom's rising power in the region.

He said "the Saudis' insane conduct toward [the pact] led them to conclude that they must prevent [its implementation] in a peaceful environment ... I think the Saudis are quite deluded, and their delusion consists in thinking that Trump is an opportunity for them to place themselves on the path of conflict with the Islamic Republic while relying on Trump." He meant the administration led by the U.S. President Donald J.Trump, which was hostile to Iran's regime. This, he said, "is not how we view Saudi Arabia. I think Yemen should have been a big lesson for the Saudis."

The minister was effectively admitting the Houthis were the Islamic Republic's tool for getting back at Saudi Arabia.

Yet in the past two years, both sides have taken steps to improve relations, without firm results as yet. Nor is the situation likely to change this time.

Photo of Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei in 2020

Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei in 2020

commons.wikimedia.org

Riyadh's warming relations with Israel

Iran's former ambassador in Lebanon, Ahmad Dastmalchian, told the ILNA news agency in Tehran that Saudi Arabia is doing Israel's bidding in the region, and has "entrusted its national security, and life and death to Tel Aviv." Riyadh, he said, had been financing a good many "security and political projects in the region," or acting as a "logistical supplier."

The United States, said Dastmalchian, has "in turn tried to provide intelligence and security backing, while Israel has simply followed its own interests in all this."

Furthermore, it seems unlikely Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei will tolerate, even in this weak period of his leadership, the kingdom's rising power in the region and beyond, and especially its financial clout. He is usually disparaging when he speaks of Riyadh's princely rulers. In 2017, he compared them to "dairy cows," saying, "the idiots think that by giving money and aid, they can attract the goodwill of Islam's enemies."

Iranian regime officials are hopeful of moving toward better diplomatic ties and a reopening of embassies. Yet the balance of power between the sides began to change in Riyadh's favor years ago. For the kingdom's power has shifted from relying mostly on arms, to economic and political clout. The countries might have had peaceful relations before in considerably quieter, and more equitable, conditions than today's acute clash of interests.

If nuclear talks break down, Iran's regime may become more aggressive.

Beyond this, the Abraham Accord or reconciliation of Arab states and Israel has been possible thanks to the green light that the Saudis gave their regional partners, and it is a considerable political and ideological defeat for the Islamic Republic.

Assuming all Houthis follow Tehran's instructions — and they may not — improved ties may curb attacks on Saudi interests and aid its economy. Tehran will also benefit from no longer having to support them. Unlike Iran's regime, the Saudis are not pressed for cash or resources and could even offer the Houthis a better deal. Presently, they may consider it more convenient to keep the softer approach toward Tehran.

For if nuclear talks with the West break down, Iran's regime may become more aggressive, and as experience has shown, tensions often prompt a renewal of missile or drone attacks on the Saudis, on tankers and on foreign shipping. Riyadh must have a way of keeping the Tehran regime quiet, in a distinctly unquiet time.

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