July 30, 2012
RAFAH – The building, inaugurated a month ago, is grandiose. On the front, topped with two geometric arches and covered with grey marble, it says: "Rafah checkpoint, Palestinian Authority," and no one can be oblivious to the fact that the Islamic Development Bank financed this plush construction. The entrance is protected by a fence and controlled by Hamas militiamen: you have to show your credentials to cross the door into Egypt.
Travellers who have received an authorization from the Interior Ministry (a two-month wait) are gathered in a room in Khan Younis, the nearest large city, before getting onto a bus that drives straight to the Rafah terminal: you can't just show up by yourself.
Once inside the border perimeter, the modern ambition of the building is blindingly obvious, a sign that the government in Gaza, with help from its Arab sponsors, was betting that the Egyptian revolution would lead to a complete opening of the border and the end of the Egyptian blockade of the Gaza strip.
The arrival and departure waiting rooms were luxuriously renovated: comfortable seats, efficient air conditioning, a cafeteria, marble everywhere, moving walkways and scanners for luggage, idle custom officers in gleaming booths that wouldn't be shamed by Riyadh's airport: nothing is missing. Not even the portrait of Ismaïl Haniyeh (the Hamas government Prime Minister), lifting a triumphal arm with the slogan "You cannot destroy our walls."
Israel, of course, will get the message.
Ayoub Abou Shahar, the director of the Rafah checkpoint, is proud: the first phase of construction cost $1 million and the Islamic Development Bank is going to give a total of $3 to $4 million. But Mr. Shahar has to admit that so far, Egypt has only loosened its grip by…300 travellers a day.
The day after Mohamed Morsi's presidential victory, a record number of 1,530 people from Gaza crossed into Egypt. Then the flow slowed down, though is nevertheless rising: "We went from 600 to 700 people per day to 900 to 1000," says the Rafah terminal director.
The July 11 announcement that there would be an increase of 1,000 to 1,500 travellers per day was premature, as was the July 23 announcement that the ban on going to Egypt for 18 to 40 year old men was lifted. This ban remains, as does the "black list" of thousands of names.
These restrictions are imposed by Cairo, and "each day," says Ayoub Abou Shahar, "we are warned of 30 new names of people banned from entry." Will Ismaïl Haniyeh, who met with President Morsi for the first time on July 26, be able to convince the Egyptians to finance his project of an economic and commercial zone at the border?
People in Gaza are doubtful: they have already understood that their hopes of thwarting the blockade imposed by Israel by opening the southern gates weren't going very far.
"The day after Morsi's election, it was as though he had been elected president of Palestine!" says Wesam Afifa, editor in chief of Al-Resalah. "There was an explosion of joy, people thought: This is going to be like when there was an Egyptian government in Gaza until 1967."
Then, day after day, the harsh reality of daily life caught up. The noisy electric generators you can hear in the streets are one sign of this absence of change. Inhabitants of Gaza are subjected to 12 to 18 hours of electricity cuts every day, which makes life virtually unbearable during this scorching month of Ramadan.
The only electric power station in Gaza has regular fuel shortages, both because of Israel's ill will and because of financial squabbles between the Palestinian Authority and the Hamas government.
Needless to say that the announcement of a "gift" from Qatar, a 30 million liter tanker of fuel for Gaza, was hailed as hope for improvement. But things weren't so simple. The Qatari oil transits through the Israeli Kerem Shalom passage point, three kilometers east of Rafah; the fuel for the electrical power center therefore arrives depending on Israel's goodwill, as well as the Egyptian government's.
Cairo could have trucked the fuel via Rafah, but it refused to do so, using the insecurity in the Sinai as an excuse. It is true that the gas pipeline that supplies Israel and Jordan witnessed a 15th attack in the past year and a half, on July 22.
Egyptian procrastination is disappointing and irritating Gaza; and Hamas, which is already accused of abandoning armed resistance against Israel, isn't spared. The reality, says Omar Shaban, director of the PalThink strategic think tank, "is that the Egyptians understand that it isn't in their interest to give Hamas everything it wants, which risks linking Gaza's fate to Egypt's and making inter-Palestinian reconciliation even harder."
President Morsi, he adds, knows that by greeting Hamas with open arms, "he would provoke both the Israelis and the Americans, and there is nothing to gain there." The solidarity between Muslim brothers is one thing (Hamas is an offshoot of the brotherhood) but there isn't an automatic convergence of political and diplomatic interests.
"We got some beautiful words of friendship from president Morsi," says Wesam Afifa, "But in practice, Gaza's problems are under the control of the Egyptian intelligence services." From this point of view, the new Egyptian power probably won't adopt a very different attitude from ex-president Hosni Mubarak's. Confronted with political instability and a serious economic crisis, Egypt wants to continue controlling the gates of Gaza to keep at bay both the poverty and shortages of its 1.7 million inhabitants – and Hamas' Islamic activism.
Read more from Le Monde in French.
Photo - gloucester2gaza
This leading French daily newspaper Le Monde ("The World") was founded in December 1944 in the aftermath of World War II. Today, it is distributed in 120 countries. In late 2010, a trio formed by Pierre Berge, Xavier Niel and Matthieu Pigasse took a controlling 64.5% stake in the newspaper.
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Letters from inmates provide a crucial link with the outside world, and yet the process of sending and receiving them in Egyptian prisons is both arduous and arbitrary as an extra means of control.
October 28, 2021
CAIRO – Abdelrahman ElGendy says letters were a crucial lifeline for him during the time he spent locked up in five different prisons between 2013 and 2020. "Letters were not only important, they literally saved my life," he says. "I was only living because I was looking forward to them from one visit to the next, and I would read them over until the paper became worn and torn."
Last month, the family of imprisoned software engineer and activist Alaa Abd El Fattah — who had been held in remand detention for over two years until his referral to emergency trial last week — announced it would take legal steps to ensure that Abd El Fattah is able to send letters to them following a period when prison authorities refused to allow him any correspondence.
According to the family, besides prison visits once a month, Abd El Fattah's letters are the only way they can gain assurance of his condition, and when his letters are denied, that in itself is an indicator that his treatment in detention is worsening. The numerous legal requests and official complaints by the family have been met only with silence by authorities.
While letters provide a crucial link between prisoners and the outside world, the process of sending and receiving them in Egyptian prisons is an arduous one as a result of arbitrary restrictions put in place by authorities.
Mada Masr spoke with a number of former prisoners about their relationship to letters during their incarceration and the way prison administrators constrained their right to send and receive correspondence.
Two letters per month
The law regulating Egypt's prisons and the Interior Ministry's prison bylaws stipulate that prisoners have a right to send out two letters per month and that prison administrators may allow more than two at their discretion. Prisoners are also legally entitled to receive letters.
Those sentenced to hard labor — a type of sentence that in practice usually entitles prisoners to fewer visits — are allowed to send one letter a week, and prisoners in remand detention technically have the right to exchange letters with family and friends at any time. However, in all cases, prison bylaws grant prison authorities the right to monitor, censor and refuse any correspondence sent and received , a power the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights deems a "violation to the personal freedom of prisoners, as it intrudes on their privacy."
A form of punishment
Prison authorities often restrict prisoner letters as a form of punishment, a measure that came under the spotlight when correspondence from Abd El Fattah to his family was arbitrarily cut off for an extended period last month.
Mohamed Fathy, a lawyer, says that Abd El Fattah's family pursued all possible legal procedures to push for allowing the exchange of letters with him, the last of which was a report submitted by the family to the Maadi District Court. This was preceded by an official notice through a court bailiff to the head of the Prisons Authority and telegraphs to the interior minister, Prisons Authority director and the superintendent of Maximum Security Wing 2 of Tora Prison Complex. Abd El Fattah's mother, Laila Soueif, also sent official requests to the superintendent on a daily basis.
Outside the gates of Tora Prison
Aside from the legal procedures, Soueif spent over a week waiting at the gates of Tora Prison Complex in the hope of receiving a letter from her son, a circumstance that gained particular urgency after Abd El Fattah signaled he was contemplating suicide during a detention renewal session in September.
This marked the second time that Abd El Fattah's family has embarked on a legal campaign in order to be granted their right to exchange letters with him. As the coronavirus pandemic first gripped the world in early 2020, the family went through a similar struggle after authorities halted all prison visitations as part of its COVID-19 restrictions.
During this period, letters became the principal form of communication between prisoners and the outside world. The Interior Ministry halted all prison visits from March until it reinstated them again in August 2020, though they were restricted to once a month.
Gendy, who was released from prison in January 2020, one month before the outbreak of the coronavirus in Egypt was officially announced, says that even in ordinary circumstances, letters were of vital importance since only direct family members are allowed visitation rights.
He says he used to give his family around 10 letters during every visit, addressed both to family and friends. "I used to keep an open letter to write to my mother about everything that was happening because the visitation time did not allow me to tell her all the details," he says.
Even though the right to correspondence for prisoners is enshrined in the law, in reality, the process is an arduous one for both prisoners and their families due to the conditions of Egyptian prisons and arbitrary restrictions put in place by authorities, according to the accounts of several former prisoners.
It typically begins when the prison warden announces the visitation schedule for the following day. Prisoners hurry to pen letters before lights out, though some continue to write in the darkness. A prisoner who has a scheduled visit then gathers all the letters from his cellmates and hands them over to his visiting family members, who in turn give them to the rest of the prisoners' families outside, either in person or via WhatsApp if the family lives in another governorate.
In parallel, the families of prisoners who share a cell often create a WhatApp group to inform each other about visitation times. "Some families in nearby governorates send physical letters inside with the families that have scheduled visits. But those who live in remote governorates and who cannot afford to travel to the prison simply write letters and send pictures of them to the WhatsApp group," says Amgad Samir*, who was imprisoned for two years in Tora Prison Complex and was the facilitator for letter exchanges in his cell.
Marked in red
According to Samir, families would print out the letters sent via WhatsApp to deliver them to the prisoners, but the prison administration would sometimes not allow the entry of printed letters, so some families would volunteer to rewrite them by hand. "The sister of one of the detainees in Alexandria would rewrite dozens of letters in one day and would ask the children of some of the families to help her," Samir says. "Some families would send their letters with more than one person to make sure that at least one version made it inside."
Any letter being sent or received from prison is required to first be reviewed by the National Security Agency (NSA) officer stationed in the prison, who usually delegates a subordinate officer to read the letters before allowing them through or to "mark them in red," at which point the officer reads the letters himself to approve or deny them, according to Samir. After this screening phase is over, explains Samir, the officer hands over the letters to the mail facilitator, a designated prisoner, who then hands them out in the cell. "I would look at the faces of those who had letters sent to them, it was as if they had just been released," Samir says.
Khaled Dawoud, a journalist and the former head of the Dostour Party who was released from prison in April after nearly one and a half years behind bars, says that prison authorities tightly restrict prison correspondence. "Everything in prison is cracked down upon: food, clothes and even letters," Dawoud says.
According to Dawoud, the NSA officer in Tora Liman Prison, another maximum security facility in the complex, would sometimes force prisoners to rewrite their letters after redacting sections describing things like prison conditions, for example, to avoid them making it into the press or being circulated on social media.
Disseminating information about prison conditions can even lead to further prosecution, as was the case with imprisoned attorney Mohamed Ramadan in December 2020, when he was rotated into another case by the State Security Prosecution after he was ordered released on charges of "sending letters from prison with the intention of destabilization."
Relatives speaking with defendants at a Cairo court
Fear of being forgotten
Banning letters is a form of punishment and pressure that authorities deploy arbitrarily against prisoners, according to lawyer former detainee Mahienour al-Massry, who has spent time in prisons. She tells Mada Masr that following the reinstatement of prison visitations in August 2020, after they had been halted amid the coronavirus outbreak, the National Security officer in Qanater Women's Prison told her she had to choose between visitations and letter correspondence, but that she couldn't have both. Massry refused the ultimatum, and after negotiating with the officer, was eventually granted "exceptional" approval for both under the condition that she only send two letters a month.
"Even though letter correspondence from prison is a legal right that is non-negotiable, there were always negotiations and struggles about sending and receiving them, about how many letters were allowed, and about their content," she says. "Prisoners inside for criminal offenses were in a different situation from political prisoners. The latter had a chance to talk and negotiate, whereas the former did not."
Massry recalls a situation when the NSA officer in Qanater took back some letters that she had initially been allowed to receive. "He said, 'I don't have a reason. This was an order from the National Security Agency. You could try next time, maybe they will go through.' They are moody like that," Masry says. The letters were returned to the family, who then delivered them to Mahienour in a subsequent visit without any objections from the officer. Another time, a letter was confiscated because it had the term "son of a bitch," which the officer deemed "foul language."
Looking for something to say
During an earlier stint in prison in 2016 in Damanhour, Massry did not receive any letters for a month. When she went to the officer to inquire after them, she found that he had a pile of letters addressed to her on his desk. She says the officer simply told her: "Sorry, I didn't have time to go through them all."
After the coronavirus outbreak in March 2020, letters to and from prison were banned for two months in Tora Prison Complex while visitations continued to be suspended until August. During this period the prison was overwhelmed with letters, as they were often the only form of communication with detainees. According to Dawoud, the National Security officer was unable to go through hundreds of letters a day, even with the help of another officer. After long negotiations, the officer finally approved the sending of letters to and from prison under the condition they did not exceed two passages.
Dawoud says that he used his letters to simply reassure his family with brief sentences. "Sometimes I couldn't find anything to say because on the one hand, I can't speak about prison conditions, otherwise the letter would be confiscated; and on the other hand I couldn't talk about personal issues," he says.
Despite that, the short letters were enough for Dawoud to check in on his father, who was battling cancer and eventually died. "One sentence was enough for me to know that he was okay. It was enough for me to be reassured," he says.
News about COVID-19
In certain cases, letters have taken on additional importance beyond allowing families and prisoners to check in on each other.
Samir says he was able to help out a foreign cellmate who was charged in a criminal case without the authorities ever informing his consulate or assigning him a lawyer. Samir was able to tell his wife about this prisoner in a letter, but he made sure to use coded language in order to evade surveillance.
Samir would also use coded language to pass on information about COVID-19 in prison that would otherwise be flagged and confiscated by the NSA officer. "We replaced the word 'corona' with 'mosquitoes.' I would write that someone had been bitten by mosquitoes yesterday, and my sister would understand what that meant," he says.
Using this simple code, Samir was able to communicate the prison's coronavirus situation to the outside world until the officer realized that someone was passing along information and pressured him to confess. "I had two choices: either lie and say that there was a mobile phone in the room, or tell him the truth. I told the truth," he says. As punishment, he was not permitted to exchange letters for a period before the officer finally allowed it again.
"The importance of letters does not just lie in their content," Gendy says. "They are also a testament that people outside still remember you, because the fear of being forgotten is every prisoner's worst nightmare."
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