Updated Jan. 19, 2025 at 4:10 p.m.*
HAMBURG — Donald Trump’s return as U.S. president has shocked many people around the world. Yet among those who were happy with the outcome, there were many overseas Chinese and, surprisingly, many citizens in China, too.
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The Chinese diaspora is no longer limited to so-called “model migrants” who traditionally focused solely on hard work and academic success, avoiding political engagement. Increasingly, many overseas Chinese, particularly in English-speaking countries, are stepping into political discussions — although they remain a minority among expat communities. Trump’s rise has resonated deeply within this group.
Even back in 2015, Trump was a social media sensation in China. Traditional media featured him far more prominently than his Democratic opponent, Hillary Clinton, often portraying him positively or neutrally. Clinton, on the other hand, faced criticism, including overtly misogynistic commentary.
This enthusiasm for an American politician was unprecedented — and puzzling, given Trump’s campaign rhetoric targeting China. Yet Chinese censors allowed this narrative to persist.
Immigration and queerness
Outside China, notable Chinese dissidents, often critical of the Communist Party, have voiced staunch support for Trump on platforms like X and YouTube. One prominent example is exiled tycoon Guo Wengui, who collaborated with former Trump adviser Steve Bannon to create pro-Trump and anti-Beijing content.
Guo was later found guilty in a U.S. federal court of nine different criminal offenses — including extortion, fraud and money laundering. But his YouTube channel and website had by then reached millions of eager Chinese followers.
Chinese-American influencers, spanning a range of political leanings, also leaned heavily toward Trump, criticizing Kamala Harris and the Democrats for policies on immigration reform, LGBTQ rights and inflation.
All these channels consistently provided more coverage of Trump than Harris.
In a series of conversations I conducted with seven randomly selected Chinese-American voters from different backgrounds, it emerged that six out of seven voted for Trump. This is certainly not a representative picture of the community’s opinion, nor does it indicate whether the majority of Chinese voters actually voted for the Republican. Nevertheless, the conversations reflect recurring patterns in their perception of Trump.
When I asked where they got their information about the candidates’ political positions, I was given a list of Chinese-language YouTube channels such as “HowVideo” or “LA_News,” or NTDTV and The Epoch Times website, both of which belong to the Falun Gong religious sect that is persecuted by the Chinese government.
Also popular among them is the channel of Wang Zhi’an, a former journalist for Chinese state television who now lives in exile in Japan. All these channels consistently provided more coverage of Trump than Harris.
A reverence for the “strong leader”
The contradictory perspectives of Trump supporters are very apparent. Some voters in the United States who are loyal to the Chinese government see Trump as a shrewd businessman, believing that his expertise means he knows how to handle dealings with China.
And yet, critics of the Chinese government also back Trump, thinking that his business acumen positions him to beat China on the global stage. Notably, neither camp seems to acknowledge or prioritize the fact that Trump’s proposed tariff hikes would likely exacerbate inflation.
This admiration for “strong men” remains a defining aspect of Chinese culture.
But what about within China? Across private conversations, state media and social media platforms, the impression remains strikingly consistent: While there was no overt favoritism for either side, Trump was far more visible in public discourse than Harris. Examining user comments makes this preference even more evident — opinions on Trump are overwhelmingly positive, while those about Harris are largely negative.
For example, consider a WeChat video published by First Finance, a business media outlet owned by the Shanghai municipal government. On Nov. 9, the video bore the title: “Trump Deal Conquers the World!” The content focused on topics like falling oil and gold prices and the depreciation of the Chinese yuan. The post garnered 100,000 likes and reposts, with the most popular comment reading: “Trump is shaking the whole world. I sigh with respect and envy.”
What’s particularly revealing here is the enduring cultural trait within China: a reverence for strong and authoritative leaders. This admiration for “strong men” remains a defining aspect of Chinese culture.
China’s misogyny?
Such admiration for authoritarian figures is not only widespread among Chinese people living in the mainland, but also among the Chinese who live in the United States. In my conversations, many expressed their contempt for President Joe Biden, calling him “old and weak” and “lacking leadership.”
They saw Harris as “unsuitable to lead the country” and “not as strong as Trump.” Many are completely on board with Trump’s plan to kick out illegal immigrants: they certainly do not see them as their equals. The Chinese see themselves as the “good immigrants” who have earned their status in their new homeland with their hard work.
In another viral WeChat video — in this case, from Phoenix TV, a state-run media outlet based in Hong Kong — Elon Musk’s mother spoke out. She explained that her son went into politics and supported Trump because Harris wanted to shut down X and slow down Musk’s technological developments.
Chinese society remains deeply conservative to this day.
This in turn means nothing other than that she wants to “slow down the development of the United States.” The user comments were all in agreement with Musk. One of them stated clearly: “The USA should never be ruled by a woman.”
Chinese society remains deeply conservative to this day. This conservatism stems partly from the enduring legacy of Confucianism, which has been upheld by Chinese migrants and actively promoted by the Chinese government since the 1990s.
It is also influenced by the fact that many Chinese abroad have sought solace and community within evangelical churches. In this context, conservatism manifests as adherence to patriarchal family values and power structures. Outdated and absurdly misogynistic views are still widespread, both online and offline.
So many contradictions
During the recent U.S. elections, Chinese social media platforms were rife with vicious attacks, slander, and insults directed at the female candidates. Clinton and Harris were labeled as “old witches,” and their appearance, voices, and personal traits mocked relentlessly.
False stories were circulating about Harris, such as claims that she began an affair with a married man. Yet, despite Trump’s numerous documented scandals and legal troubles, no similar insults or narratives were directed against him.
On the contrary, Trump enjoys significant support from many in China, even though he initiated a trade war against the country and announced plans to impose an additional 10% tariff on Chinese goods, compounding existing tariffs.
Some Chinese attacked Harris as “a warmonger.” This paradox in how Trump is perceived became evident when Guancha.cn, a widely read nationalist media platform in China, published a piece about Trump’s Secretary of State nominee Marco Rubio voicing support for Israel’s war in Gaza. The article amassed 41,000 likes before Guancha.cn opted to disable comments — likely to avoid provoking backlash from Arab countries.
Some Chinese living in the United States have been very vocal in their support for Harris.
In another WeChat video by a popular account, Musk addressed Chinese students in the United States, voicing strong support for Trump’s abortion ban. The video received no less than 15,000 likes. Musk represents the archetypal successful, macho figure idolized by many urban Chinese, and his endorsement of Trump has undoubtedly bolstered the latter’s appeal among Chinese communities abroad — particularly in Silicon Valley and within New York’s tech and investment sectors.
That said, it’s important to recognize that not all Chinese expats support Trump. Some Chinese living in the United States were very vocal in their support for Harris: young academics, liberal second-generation Chinese Americans, and well-educated ethnic Chinese. Many in this group have actively opposed Trump’s supporters, often feeling frustrated and disheartened by the election results.
But they were not at all a majority. It must be hard for foreigners to understand why Chinese society seems to admire Trump: There are so many contradictions that are difficult for outsiders to reconcile. Nonetheless, one thing remains clear: Chinese communities, both at home and abroad, hardly ever rally behind the moderate, liberal candidate.
*First published Nov. 30, 2024, this piece was updated Jan. 19, 2025 with enriched media including reference to Trump’s call with Xi Jinping after TikTok ban went into effect.
