Geopolitics

After Rebels Leave Congo City, Everything And Nothing Has Changed

Rebels might have left -- Congolese keep fleeing North Kivu
Rebels might have left -- Congolese keep fleeing North Kivu

GOMA - Following the withdrawal of the M23 rebel troops that for 12 days occupied the eastern city of Goma, locals remain cautious and fearful, despite reassurances from government authorities.

Meanwhile, those who had supported the M23 are keeping a low profile.

The M23 rebels took control of Goma, the capital of the North Kivu province, at the end of November in a bid to overthrow President Joseph Kabila’s government.

"It is not the time to settle scores or hunt those who collaborated with the M23 rebels. It is time to work together to bring peace back to the city," said North Kivu Governor Julien Paluku Kahonga when he returned to Goma from Beni, some 400 kilometers away –where he had escaped after the M23 entered Goma.

Kahonga assured residents that calm had been restored in the city. On Dec. 1, after 12 days of occupation, the rebels agreed to withdraw peacefully from Goma. This was unexpected for Goma's population, who believed that the rebels would maintain their positions in the city, sparking a counter-attack from the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC) based in Minova – 50 kilometers away from there.

As they left the city for Kibumba, their camp north of Goma, the rebels danced and sang, waving goodbye to the locals from their trucks.

The rebels’ withdrawal did not appease the local population’s worries. Many had hoped that before leaving, the M23 would hold talks with the government aimed at avoiding further attacks on the city in case of future disagreements.

"The population is the victim of consecutive civil wars that are the result of botched negotiations and always end up causing deaths and forcing people to flee their homes,” says a journalist from the Journalists for Human Rights (JHR) organization.

His fears are enhanced by Sultani Makenga's words, the head of the Congolese Revolution Army (ARC, the armed branch of the M23). Although Mankenga says he respects the conditions of withdrawal set during the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) last month in Kampala, Uganda, the military leaders says: "We are ready to take Goma again and continue our struggle against the Congolese government as long as our demands are not taken into account."

Meanwhile, the line adopted by the Congolese government remains unclear. On the one hand, the authorities refuse to negotiate with the rebels. On the other hand, delegates from the Democratic Republic of Congo are now present in Kampala, where peace talks are happening.

In the streets of Goma, life seems to have gone back to normal: Shops, drug stores, grocery stores and small markets have re-opened. In front of the ngandas (the local bars), young people talk about the hardships of war while sipping Primus beers to the sound of rumba music.

The mayor of Goma, Kubuya Ndoole, who has also recently returned from Beni, says that everything is now "fine" and that "everyone should go back to work as usual."

Where to for M23 supporters?

"It is not time to settle scores," as officials keep saying, but those who supported the M23 now feel very isolated. "Like the M23, I want Kabila to be replaced so that we can put an end to unemployment and so that human rights are finally upheld. In this country, we live in a jungle," says a supporter of the MSR party (Social Movement for Renewal) – a party however, that is part of the ruling coalition.

Party supporters, whose majority is against President Joseph Kabila's regime, were convinced that the ARC would successfully march on the Congolese capital of Kinshasa. Ali Musarag, head of the youth branch of the M23, had declared on Nov. 29 that the rebels’ mission was to free the people of Congo: "With your support and courage, we will kick Joseph Kabila out because he is a dictator."

The M23 had managed to spread its views amongst youths and politicians. Now, these people – who are not happy with the way the country is run – feel uneasy at having publicly supported the M23. In TV and radio shows, politicians feel the need to deny ever supporting the rebel movement in order to avoid being fired from their own party. "Yes, I embraced the views of the M23 but I’m the provincial spokesperson of the provincial majority," said for instance Eli Mutela, during a broadcast on Kivul radio.

On the edge of the road where a battalion of the FARDC army was returning to Goma, people were talking. "According to the M23, the reason for this war lies in the violation of the March 23, 2009 peace treaty between the National Congress Defense of the People (CNDP) rebels and the government. If the demands agreed after the current Kampala peace talks are not respected by the government, will this create yet another armed movement?" asks René Kakule, an independent political analyst who worries that conflicts will spark again in this region where the humanitarian situation keeps deteriorating.

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Society

What It Means When The Jews Of Germany No Longer Feel Safe

A neo-Nazi has been buried in the former grave of a Jewish musicologist Max Friedlaender – not an oversight, but a deliberate provocation. This is just one more example of antisemitism on the rise in Germany, and society's inability to respond.

At a protest against antisemitism in Berlin

Eva Marie Kogel

-Essay-

BERLIN — If you want to check the state of your society, there's a simple test: as the U.S. High Commissioner for Germany, John Jay McCloy, said in 1949, the touchstone for a democracy is the well-being of Jews. This litmus test is still relevant today. And it seems Germany would not pass.


Incidents are piling up. Most recently, groups of neo-Nazis from across the country traveled to a church near Berlin for the funeral of a well-known far-right figure. He was buried in the former grave of Jewish musicologist Max Friedlaender, a gravesite chosen deliberately by the right-wing extremists.

The incident at the cemetery

They intentionally chose a Jewish grave as an act of provocation, trying to gain maximum publicity for this act of desecration. And the cemetery authorities at the graveyard in Stahnsdorf fell for it. The church issued an immediate apology, calling it a "terrible mistake" and saying they "must immediately see whether and what we can undo."

There are so many incidents that get little to no media attention.

It's unfathomable that this burial was allowed to take place at all, but now the cemetery authorities need to make a decision quickly about how to put things right. Otherwise, the grave may well become a pilgrimage site for Holocaust deniers and antisemites.

The incident has garnered attention in the international press and it will live long in the memory. Like the case of singer-songwriter Gil Ofarim, who recently claimed he was subjected to antisemitic abuse at a hotel in Leipzig. Details of the crime are still being investigated. But there are so many other incidents that get little to no media attention.

Photo of the grave of Jewish musicologist Max Friedlaender

The grave of Jewish musicologist Max Friedlaender

Jens Kalaene/dpa/ZUMA

Crimes against Jews are rising

Across all parts of society, antisemitism is on the rise. Until a few years ago, Jewish life was seen as an accepted part of German society. Since the attack on the synagogue in Halle in 2019, the picture has changed: it was a bitter reminder that right-wing terror against Jewish people has a long, unbroken history in Germany.

Stories have abounded about the coronavirus crisis being a Jewish conspiracy; meanwhile, Muslim antisemitism is becoming louder and more forceful. The anti-Israel boycott movement BDS rears its head in every debate on antisemitism, just as left-wing or post-colonial thinking are part of every discussion.

Jewish life needs to be allowed to step out of the shadows.

Since 2015, the number of antisemitic crimes recorded has risen by about a third, to 2,350. But victims only report around 20% of cases. Some choose not to because they've had bad experiences with the police, others because they're afraid of the perpetrators, and still others because they just want to put it behind them. Victims clearly hold out little hope of useful reaction from the state – so crimes go unreported.

And the reality of Jewish life in Germany is a dark one. Sociologists say that Jewish children are living out their "identity under siege." What impact does it have on them when they can only go to nursery under police protection? Or when they hear Holocaust jokes at school?

Germany needs to take its antisemitism seriously

This shows that the country of commemorative services and "stumbling blocks" placed in sidewalks as a memorial to victims of the Nazis has lost its moral compass. To make it point true north again, antisemitism needs to be documented from the perspective of those affected, making it visible to the non-Jewish population. And Jewish life needs to be allowed to step out of the shadows.

That is the first thing. The second is that we need to talk about specifically German forms of antisemitism. For example, the fact that in no other EU country are Jewish people so often confronted about the Israeli government's policies (according to a survey, 41% of German Jews have experienced this, while the EU average is 28%). Projecting the old antisemitism onto the state of Israel offers people a more comfortable target for their arguments.

Our society needs to have more conversations about antisemitism. The test of German democracy, as McCloy called it, starts with taking these concerns seriously and talking about them. We need to have these conversations because it affects all of us. It's about saving our democracy. Before it's too late.

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