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Nurul Izzah Anwar
Nurul Izzah Anwar
Bruno Philip
KUALA LUMPUR - The father, Anwar Ibrahim failed: the opposition coalition he's been leading lost this month's national elections. By all accounts, he will never be Prime Minister. The daughter, Nurul Izzah Anwar, was instead reelected comfortably to her seat as Member of Parliament in the May 5 legislative ballot.
Time is on her side, and Nurul, at 32, intends to take full advantage of it.
On election day, before the bad news of the coalition's defeat came out -- the Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition, in power for more than half a century, won by a narrow margin -- Nurul was visiting polling stations by car and with her family, in her local Kuala Lumpur district of Lembah Pantai.
In the front seat was her husband, Shahrir, also 32, who works in finance. In the back, the two younger sisters of Nurul, the eldest of a family of six. "We all are children of chance," says the young woman, to justify her political path. In 1998, her father, Anwar, who was then the Deputy Prime Minister and heir apparent to the chief of government Mahatir Mohammad, was dismissed, arrested and condemned for corruption and eventually for alleged sodomy against one of his former assistants.
"I was only 19," remembers Nurul, "I didn't hear the calling of politics at all. I was studying electronic engineering. But I began to feel such an injustice, the certainty that my father was innocent, so I started working for his defense."
Anwar Ibrahim, 65, now the head of the Pakatan Rakyat, a coalition of three opposition parties, was released in 2004, after six years behind bars.
Pious Muslim, tireless campaigner
Nurul's personality conveys charm and human warmth. Her smile, reproduced everywhere in the neighborhood by the electoral campaign posters, is magnetic. Wearing a pale mauve Islamic veil and a matching flowered tunic with high-heeled black shoes, she is a pious Muslim woman who nevertheless is convinced that religion is a personal matter. In the streets, she tirelessly shakes hands, and poses for pictures with electors who adore her.
"I'm a rather reserved person," she adds to explain her former reluctance to join the race for Parliament. "In 2008, I ran for the first time. I was surprised to win!"
Could young Nurul become Malaysia's "Benazir Bhutto"? There are indeed similarities. Pakistan's former Prime Minister had been a teenager when her father, Zulficar, the then-Prime Minister, was overthrown by a military coup and hanged two years later, in 1979.
Nurul sighs at this comparison: "My father didn't push me to enter politics. My mother was opposed to it..."
Does she intend to become Prime Minister one day? Frowning, she answers: "I am already a Member of Parliament. If you are a teacher, do you want to become the headmaster?"
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Geopolitics

Minsk Never More: Lessons For The West About Negotiating With Putin

The longer the war in Ukraine continues, the louder calls will grow for a ceasefire . Stockholm-based analysts explain how the West can reach a viable deal on this: primarily by avoiding strategic mistakes from last time following the annexation of Crimea.

"War is not over" protests in London

Hugo von Essen, Andreas Umland

-Analysis-

Each new day the Russian assault on Ukraine continues, the wider and deeper is the global impact. And so with each day, there is more and more talk of a ceasefire. But just how and under what conditions such an agreement might be reached are wide open questions.

What is already clear, however, is that a ceasefire between Russia and Ukraine must not repeat mistakes made since the open conflict between the two countries began more than eight years ago.

Stay up-to-date with the latest on the Russia-Ukraine war, with our exclusive international coverage.

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Contrary to widespread opinion, the so-called Minsk ceasefire agreements of 2014-2015 were not meant as a definitive solution. And as we now know, they would not offer a path to peace. Instead, the accord negotiated in the Belarusian capital would indeed become part of the problem, as it fueled the aggressive Russian strategies that led to the escalation in 2022.

In early September 2014, the Ukrainian army suffered a crushing defeat at Ilovaisk against unmarked regular Russian ground forces. Fearing further losses, Kyiv agreed to negotiations with Moscow.

The Minsk Protocol (“Minsk I”) – followed shortly thereafter by a clarifying memorandum – baldly served Russian interests. For example, it envisaged a “decentralization” – i.e. Balkanization – of Ukraine. An uneasy truce came about; but the conflict was in no way resolved.

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Central to the tragic absurdity of this war is the question of language. Vladimir Putin has repeated that protecting ethnic Russians and the Russian-speaking populations of Ukraine was a driving motivation for his invasion.

Yet one month on, a quick look at the map shows that many of the worst-hit cities are those where Russian is the predominant language: Kharkiv, Odesa, Kherson.

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