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Should We Preemptively Ban Killer Robots Of The Future?

U.S. Army soldiers and a TALON robot, a military robot that is not (yet) autonomous
U.S. Army soldiers and a TALON robot, a military robot that is not (yet) autonomous
Benoît Georges

PARIS — We've hardly made peace with the idea of driverless cars, and now we're being told that artificial intelligence could also control rifles, missiles and bombs of the future. The warning was issued last summer by leading figures such as Tesla chief Elon Musk, physicist Stephen Hawking and MIT Professor Noam Chomsky.

During July's International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence (IJCAI), they and thousands of researchers co-signed an open letter warning against weapons of the future. "Starting a military AI arms race is a bad idea, and should be prevented by a ban on offensive autonomous weapons beyond meaningful human control," it read.

The letter had the merit of publicizing a debate that has been agitating diplomats, the defense industry and NGOs for several years, but without any major impact until now. Given the recent progress of robotics and artificial intelligence, their use in the world of weapons is not a matter of Terminator-like science fiction anymore.

The defense industry is an important field of experimentation for robotic engineers. Ariel, one of the first machines made by American startup iRobot, which is known for its vacuum cleaners, was developed in 1996 to detect and eliminate battlefield mines. Aerial defense systems are also widely automated. But they aren't designed to put human lives in danger, and aren't entirely autonomous yet.

Developed to kill

What worries researchers and NGOs is that some systems may be developed specifically to kill and will be able to operate without any human supervision. They may not exist yet, but these weapons of the future already have a name: "Lethal autonomous weapons systems" (LAWS).

A November 2012 report published by Human Rights Watch and the International Human Rights Clinic, a program of Harvard's law faculty, addressed the issue. Titled "Losing Humanity," the report called on all countries to "prohibit the development, production and use of fully autonomous weapons," which "could be developed within 20 to 30 years."

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Samsung's SGR-A1 military robot sentry — Photo: Wikimedia Commons

In the wake of this report, the United Nations began addressing the issue. A first conference was organized in May 2014 at the request of the then-French ambassador Jean-Hugues Simon-Michel, with the Geneva Conference on Disarmament. A second conference was held last May, but the represented countries failed to reach a consensus. That's because the exact definition of lethal autonomous weapons varies according to different countries.

"The characteristic of autonomous weapons is that they can take very different shapes," explains American researcher Peter Asaro, co-founder of the International Committee for Robot Arms Control (ICRAC) and one of the first academics to study the issue. "The most efficient way would be to consider that, whatever the system, it should be banned from the moment it can aim and fire without real human supervision."

And indeed, the main problem with autonomous weapons is responsibility. Today, all defense systems put a human in the loop. Tomorrow, completely autonomous systems could lead to armed forces losing any liability, and thus to an increase in war crimes without anyone to bring before an international court. In a 2012 directive, the U.S. Defense Department stated that "autonomous and semi-autonomous systems must be designed to authorize … an appropriate level of human judgment in the use of force."

"Robots aren't scared"

Paradoxically, the human factor is also cited by those in favor of the development of lethal autonomous weapons. "Robots aren't scared," Steve Groves, from the conservative U.S. think tank Heritage Foundation, told CBS last May. "They don't have fits of madness. They don't react to rage."

Peter Asaro dismisses this argument. "It can maybe be demonstrated that an autonomous system is more efficient that a human," he says. "But what humans do goes well beyond aiming and shooting: They take the context into account, are capable of assessing if civilian lives could be at stake. All this will not necessarily make sense for a machine."

Asaro is unconvinced that the recent appeal to preemptively ban these weapons could lead to global consensus and the equivalent of an international non-proliferation treaty. "The United Nations acts very slowly, both for bureaucratic reasons and because they're looking to obtain a consensus from a large number of states," he says. "I think that if it takes two or three more years before reaching a treaty, the most advanced countries will have developed very sophisticated systems, and they won't necessarily want to sign."

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FOCUS: Russia-Ukraine War

Belarus May Be Pushing Migrants Into The EU Again — This Time With Russian Help

In 2021, Belarus strongman Lukashenko triggered a migration crisis when he actively drove asylum seekers to the EU. According to the German government, those numbers are on the rise again.

Belarus May Be Pushing Migrants Into The EU Again — This Time With Russian Help

Migrants on the Belarusian side of the Polish border wall in Bialowieza.

Hannelore Crolly, Ricarda Breyton

-Analysis-

BERLIN — In the nine months between July 2022 and March 2023 alone, Germany's Federal Police registered 8,687 people who entered Germany undocumented after a Belarus connection. This has emerged from the Ministry of the Interior's response to an inquiry by MP Andrea Lindholz, deputy chair of the Christian Social Union (CSU) parliamentary group, which was made available to Die Welt.

The migration pressure on the Belarus route — which was now supposedly closed after a huge crisis in 2021 that saw Belarus strongman Alexander Lukashenko threatening to "flood" the EU with drugs and migrants — has thus increased significantly again.

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"Apparently, about half of the people who enter the EU illegally every month via the German-Polish border enter the EU via Belarus," Lindholz told Die Welt. In an autocratic state like this, border crossings on this scale are certainly no coincidence, she said. "It is obvious that these illegal entries are part of a strategy to destabilize the EU."

In addition to flexible controls at the border with Poland, stationary ones are also needed, said Lindholz. Interior Minister Nancy Faeser should agree on a concrete roadmap with Poland "on how to significantly reduce illegal entries into Germany." Lindholz also called on the German government to revoke landing permits for airlines that facilitate illegal migration via Russia and Belarus.

The Belarus route had already caused concern throughout the EU in 2021. At that time, sometimes highly dramatic scenes took place at the border with Poland. Thousands of migrants tried to enter the EU undocumented — many of them transported there by soldiers or border guards of Belarusian ruler Alexander Lukashenko. Poland even feared an attempt to break through the border en masse.

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