Biocontrol: 'Predator' Pesticides Help Farmers Save Their Plants, And The Planet

The best weapon against insects is often other insects.

Researcher releasing mealybugs' natural enemy
Researcher releasing mealybugs' natural enemy
Rémi Barroux

PARIS — Roundworms defend palm trees against red palm weevils, and minute wasps protect corn against European corn worms. Using natural tiny warriors to preserve agricultural fields is known as biological control, or biocontrol. And this method is working its way around the world.

Today, less than 5% of cultivated lands are protected this way, but the practice is growing and is expected to increase over the next five years. “These eco-friendly products have proved they are effective,” says Jean-Pierre Princen, president of the French branch of the International Biocontrol Manufacturers’ Association (IBMA). “We noted the enthusiasm of big companies that produce chemical pesticides because they actually invest in this sector.”

InVivo, which is the first French farming cooperative, distributes pesticides but also produces its own insects with its Biotop branch. InVivo development manager Antoine Poupart says the “two methods must be used in a complementary way.”

Biocontrol has already seduced the biggest chemical corporations such as the Germany’s Bayer or the U.S.-based Monsanto. Swiss-based Syngenta created the Bioline range 25 years ago. “In the Netherlands, Spain and France, they protect tomatoes under greenhouses by using 70% biocontrol and only 30% classic pesticides,” says Gérard Thomas, technical manager of Syngenta.

For the experts of the French Institute of Research for Development (IRD), biocontrol is a major issue. “Despite the increasing use of pesticides since the 1960s, the rate of harvest loss stays high: between 40% to 50% in emerging countries and 25% to 30% in industrialized countries,” the Institute notes.

Lady bugs are commonly sold for biological control of greenflies — Photo: Dekayem

Imported from Central America 20 years ago, the Guatemalan moth ravages the potato fields in Venezuela, Colombia and Ecuador. According to IRD researcher Olivier Dangles, this moth can “eat up entire stocks of potatoes, which are one the main crop” and staple there. “Some means exist to fight them back, but they are either toxic or financially out of reach for the farmers,” he says.

The IRD and its Ecuadorian partners developed a biopesticide from a virus that contaminates the moths. But Dangles says the priority is to train the farmers and organize campaigns to educate them.

Expensive and hard to use

Plus, the use of biocontrol in the fields remains tricky. “The insects can be blown away by the wind or they can just leave,” Thomas says. “These living tools require sharp surveillance.”

The use of biocontrol is often quite expensive, which explains its slow development. According to Syngenta, producing living organisms requires expensive technical skills and a complex system of transportation. “It is difficult to stock and transport these living organisms because they have precise dates of use,” says Laure Kaiser, who works for the IRD but is also a researcher for the French National Center for Scientific Research (CNRS).

Whether they be insects or virus, these initiatives remain delicate. “If we want to destroy plant bugs coming from other regions, we have to search for their predators in their countries of origin. But first we have to check if these predators can get used to the area. Then there is the problem of regulations that limit the introduction of exotic living organisms,” Kaiser explains.

IRD researchers have identified other obstacles to the development of biocontrol: lack of awareness among farmers, minimal financial advantages and the lobbying of agricultural chemistry industries.

The Chinese were already using predatory ants to preserve mandarin trees 3,000 years ago. Today, the IRD insists biocontrol needs to develop because the world could soon be home to nine billion people, and food could grow scarce. Says Jean-Pierre Princen, “It is necessary to change the ways of thinking and production.”

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The Food Truck, A Sign That The White And Wealthy Are Moving In

In San Diego, California, a researcher tracked how in the city's low-income neighborhoods that have traditionally lacked dining options, when interesting eateries arrive the gentrification of white, affluent and college-educated people has begun.

Balboa Park Spring Fling Food Truck festival

San Diego Food Trucks via Facebook
Pascale Joassart-Marcelli

SAN DIEGO — Everybody, it seems, welcomes the arrival of new restaurants, cafés, food trucks and farmers markets.

What could be the downside of fresh veggies, homemade empanadas and a pop-up restaurant specializing in banh mis?

But when they appear in unexpected places – think inner-city areas populated by immigrants – they're often the first salvo in a broader effort to rebrand and remake the community. As a result, these neighborhoods can quickly become unaffordable and unrecognizable to longtime residents.

An appetite for gentrification

I live in San Diego, where I teach courses on urban and food geographies and conduct research on the relationship between food and ethnicity in urban contexts.

In recent years, I started to notice a pattern playing out in the city's low-income neighborhoods that have traditionally lacked food options. More ethnic restaurants, street vendors, community gardens and farmers markets were cropping up. These, in turn, spurred growing numbers of white, affluent and college-educated people to venture into areas they had long avoided.

This observation inspired me to write a book, titled The $16 Taco, about how food – including what's seen as "ethnic," "authentic" or "alternative" – often serves as a spearhead for gentrification.

Take City Heights, a large multi-ethnic San Diego neighborhood where successive waves of refugees from places as far away as Vietnam and Somalia have resettled. In 2016, a dusty vacant lot on the busiest boulevard was converted into an outdoor international marketplace called Fair@44. There, food vendors gather in semi-permanent stalls to sell pupusas, lechon (roasted pig), single-sourced cold-brewed coffee, cupcakes and tamarind raspado (crushed ice) to neighborhood residents, along with tourists and visitors from other parts of the city.

Informal street vendors are casualties.

A public-private partnership called the City Heights Community Development Corporation, together with several nonprofits, launched the initiative to increase "access to healthy and culturally appropriate food" and serve as "a business incubator for local micro-entrepreneurs," including immigrants and refugees who live in the neighborhood.

On paper, this all sounds great.

But just a few blocks outside the gates, informal street vendors – who have long sold goods such as fruit, tamales and ice cream to residents who can't easily access supermarkets – now face heightened harassment. They've become causalities in a citywide crackdown on sidewalk vending spurred by complaints from business owners and residents in more affluent areas.

This isn't just happening in San Diego. The same tensions have been playing out in rapidly gentrifying areas like Los Angeles' Boyle Heights neighborhood, Chicago's Pilsen neighborhood, New York's Queens borough and East Austin, Texas.

In all of these places, because "ethnic," "authentic" and "exotic" foods are seen as cultural assets, they've become magnets for development.

Food vendor at outdoor international marketplace called Fair@44.

Fairat44 via Instagram

A call for food justice

Cities and neighborhoods have long sought to attract educated and affluent residents – people whom sociologist Richard Florida dubbed "the creative class." The thinking goes that these newcomers will spend their dollars and presumably contribute to economic growth and job creation.

Food, it seems, has become the perfect lure.

It's uncontroversial and has broad appeal. It taps into the American Dream and appeals to the multicultural values of many educated, wealthy foodies. Small food businesses, with their relatively low cost of entry, have been a cornerstone of ethnic entrepreneurship in American cities. And initiatives like farmers markets and street fairs don't require much in the way of public investment; instead, they rely on entrepreneurs and community-based organizations to do the heavy lifting.

In City Heights, the Community Development Corporation hosted its first annual City Heights Street Food Festival in 2019 to "get people together around table and food stalls to celebrate another year of community building." Other recent events have included African Restaurant Week, Dia de Los Muertos, New Year Lunar Festival, Soul Food Fest and Brazilian Carnival, all of which rely on food and drink to attract visitors and support local businesses.

Meanwhile, initiatives such as the New Roots Community Farm and the City Heights Farmers' Market have been launched by nonprofits with philanthropic support in the name of "food justice," with the goal of reducing racial disparities in access to healthy food and empowering residents – projects that are particularly appealing to highly educated people who value diversity and democracy.

Upending an existing foodscape

In media coverage of changing foodscapes in low-income neighborhoods like City Heights, you'll rarely find any complaints.

San Diego Magazine's neighborhood guide for City Heights, for example, emphasizes its "claim to authentic international eats, along with live music venues, craft beer, coffee, and outdoor fun." It recommends several ethnic restaurants and warns readers not to be fooled by appearances.

Longtime residents find themselves forced to compete against the "urban food machine"

But that doesn't mean objections don't exist.

Many longtime residents and small-business owners – mostly people of color and immigrants – have, for decades, lived, worked and struggled to feed their families in these neighborhoods. To do so, they've run convenience stores, opened ethnic restaurants, sold food in parks and alleys and created spaces to grow their own food.

All represent strategies to meet community needs in a place mostly ignored by mainstream retailers.

So what happens when new competitors come to town?

Food vendor at outdoor international marketplace called Fair@44.

Fairat44 via Instagram

Starting at a disadvantage

As I document in my book, these ethnic food businesses, because of a lack of financial and technical support, often struggle to compete with new enterprises that feature fresh façades, celebrity chefs, flashy marketing, bogus claims of authenticity and disproportionate media attention. Furthermore, following the arrival of more-affluent residents, existing ones find it increasingly difficult to stay.

My analysis of real estate ads for properties listed in City Heights and other gentrifying San Diego neighborhoods found that access to restaurants, cafés, farmers markets and outdoor dining is a common selling point. The listings I studied from 2019 often enticed potential buyers with lines like "shop at the local farmers' market," "join food truck festivals" and "participate in community food drives!"

San Diego Magazine's home buyer guide for the same year identified City Heights as an "up-and-coming neighborhood," attributing its appeal to its diverse population and eclectic "culinary landscape," including several restaurants and Fair@44.

When I see that City Heights' home prices rose 58% over the past three years, I'm not surprised.

Going up against the urban food machine

Longtime residents find themselves forced to compete against what I call the "urban food machine," a play on sociologist Harvey Molotch's "urban growth machine" – a term he coined more than 50 years ago to explain how cities were being shaped by a loose coalition of powerful elites who sought to profit off urban growth.

I argue that investors and developers use food as a tool for achieving the same ends.

When their work is done, what's left is a rather insipid and tasteless neighborhood, where foodscapes become more of a marketable mishmash of cultures than an ethnic enclave that's evolved organically to meet the needs of residents. The distinctions of time and place start to blur: An "ethnic food district" in San Diego looks no different than one in Chicago or Austin.

Meanwhile, the routines and rhythms of everyday life have changed so much that longtime residents no longer feel like they belong. Their stories and culture reduced to a selling point, they're forced to either recede to the shadows or leave altogether.

It's hard to see how that's a form of inclusion or empowerment.The Conversation


Pascale Joassart-Marcelli is a Professor of Geography and Director, Urban Studies and Food Studies Programs at San Diego State University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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