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Geopolitics

I'd Rather Live Under Siege In Aleppo Than Leave Her Behind

His beloved hometown grows more dangerous every day, but he can't kiss her goodbye.

The Al-Ansari neighborhood in Aleppo
The Al-Ansari neighborhood in Aleppo
Wissam Zarqa

Wissam lives with his wife in rebel-held eastern Aleppo, which has been under government siege since July. Violence is escalating in his neighborhood, but the teacher and activist wouldn't want to be anywhere else.

ALEPPO — Day after day, life is becoming ever more difficult under the burden of siege and heavy shelling in eastern Aleppo. Food is getting more and more scarce. There are a few kinds of vegetables still available, but no more gas with which to cook. An airstrike targeted and damaged the main water plant so now we have no supply of drinking water. There is no electricity, either, so getting water from wells has become very costly. The fuel used to run bakeries and operate local electricity generators is running out and becoming more expensive.

New weapons, some of which leave gaping holes in the ground, are now being used. Russian "bunker buster" bombs are threatening the safety of schools, which moved underground after many were hit in attacks. Russian and Syrian warplanes are systematically targeting hospitals, bakeries and other important infrastructure. Recently, the regime's militias have been advancing on the ground and gaining new territory, making the siege even deadlier.

No way in

Eastern Aleppo has been under the threat of siege for two years. When the threat first loomed on the horizon, I was teaching at a university in Saudi Arabia and grew terrified that I might be locked out of Aleppo. I wanted to finish my third year teaching abroad and come back to Aleppo before it was really besieged with no way in or out.

Now I am in Aleppo, living under siege, with my pregnant wife. I met my beloved Aisha 10 months after I returned to Aleppo. When Aisha finished her studies in architecture, she went to Turkey to visit her sister. But she then returned to her home in Aleppo to live with her mother. She met me three months later and we were married soon after.

My parents, who now live in Turkey, always ask me to go there and settle down, as my brother and many of my friends have already done. Whenever they hear news of shelling in my neighborhood, my mother calls to check if we are safe. Aisha and I always send them photos of our meals, which, before the siege, used to include different kinds of cake and other sweet dishes. Now we just send them photos of spaghetti or rice with chickpeas.

At the beginning of the siege, in July, the Syrian regime claimed that civilians could use humanitarian corridors to leave the rebel-held areas. Many people were brought to these areas and filmed acting as if they were going back to the "lap of the homeland" (a term used to describe the regime-controlled areas). Some might be able to go to the regime areas if there are real corridors, especially government employees who must frequently travel to those areas to collect their pension. But most people here cannot leave and, like me, are not willing to.

I frequently read reports claiming that most people in eastern Aleppo are the poorest of the poor and are trapped here because they cannot afford the cost of transportation to flee to Turkey or Europe. I understand that journalists want to create an atmosphere of sympathy. But it's not true. Skilled workers, teachers, engineers, lawyers, doctors, nurses and university students form a good percentage of the people who have chosen to stay in Aleppo.

I am happy I could come back to my city. Hopefully, I will be able to make a difference and encourage more students to return to school. Hopefully, I can help by teaching people how to communicate and give Aleppo a voice that will be heard in newspapers and on radio and TV channels. I may not be sure how useful I am here, but I am sure how miserable I would be if I were not in Aleppo while it was under siege.

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Geopolitics

Utter Pessimism, What Israelis And Palestinians Share In Common

Right now, according to a joint survey of Israelis and Palestinians, hopes for a peaceful solution of coexistence simply don't exist. The recent spate of violence is confirmation of the deepest kind of pessimism on both sides for any solution other than domination of the other.

An old Palestinian protester waves Palestinian flag while he confronts the Israeli soldiers during the demonstration against Israeli settlements in the village of Beit Dajan near the West Bank city of Nablus.

A Palestinian protester confronts Israeli soldiers during the demonstration against Israeli settlements in the West Bank village of Beit Dajan on Jan. 6.

Pierre Haski

-Analysis-

PARIS — Just before the latest outbreak of violence between Israelis and Palestinians, a survey of public opinion among the two peoples provided a key to understanding the current situation unfolding before our eyes.

It was a joint study, entitled "Palestinian-Israeli Pulse", carried out by two research centers, one Israeli, the other Palestinian, which for years have been regularly asking the same questions to both sides.

The result is disastrous: not only is the support for the two-state solution — Israel and Palestine side by side — at its lowest point in two decades, but there is now a significant share of opinion on both sides that favors a "non-democratic" solution, i.e., a single state controlled by either the Israelis or Palestinians.

This captures the absolute sense of pessimism commonly felt regarding the chances of the two-state option ever being realized, which currently appears to be our grim reality today. But the results are also an expression of the growing acceptance on both sides that it is inconceivable for either state to live without dominating the other — and therefore impossible to live in peace.

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