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CLARIN

Manichaean Democracy, What's Wrong With Referendums

Momentous national referendums in Colombia and Britain have shown how dangerous it can be to put complicated decisions in the hands of a fickle populous.

Colombians voted regarding the peace agreement between the government and the FARC
Colombians voted regarding the peace agreement between the government and the FARC
Graciela Römer*

-OpEd-

BUENOS AIRES — Do referendums, plebiscites and other methods of direct public participation serve democracies? Are they really compatible with representative government?

Such direct votes block debate and put off a search for consensus. Instead, they deepen divisions between voters and widen chasms between political parties tasked with resolving conflicts.

In its recent referendum, Colombians rejected a peace deal between the government and the country's longstanding FARC rebel group. Before that, in a similar referendum, Britons chose to opt out of the European Union. In both cases, the results were very close. Voters seemingly considered not just the question at hand. They also evaluated the government's legitimacy.

What's wrong with citizens helping solve problems that governments are finding hard to overcome? A democracy demands participation but it also needs citizens who are willing to carefully consider the options — an increasingly unlikely proposition in today's world.

Democracy requires that people are not just familiar with alternative courses of action but also the consequences of those actions. Above all, democracy needs the kind of information that many political leaders are reluctant to provide. The fact that leaders are using referendums to boost the legitimacy of their governments suggests that something is wrong. The plebiscite has become an instrument of political marketing.

The Colombian case is telling. Complex problems divide the political system. FARC's killing of hundreds of thousands of people over the years has left many people angry. But the result was bad news, regardless of one's opinion of the peace deal. The very low voter participation muddies the legitimacy of "asking the people". The narrow margin of voters in favor of rejecting the peace deal paved the way for different interpretations of what the people "really" meant to say.

What can the elite propose now after they've already given the public the final decision-making power on the deal? A deal that has seen complex negotiations that the public has broadly been shut out of?

How were there massive demonstrations for a Yes vote just days before there was a victory for the No camp? This referendum showed the limitations of direct democracy in resolving complex issues.

Manichaean campaign formats, such as the one that prompted Britons to vote to leave the EU, have replaced the required education and enlightenment of citizens that are needed to make informed decisions. As political debate and democracy become the playthings of the chattering, or Tweeting, masses, false promises have gained sway instead.

As far as one can tell, the yes or no votes cast in recent referendums did not involve considered deliberations of any kind.

*Graciela Romer is a sociologist.

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Economy

Lex Tusk? How Poland’s Controversial "Russian Influence" Law Will Subvert Democracy

The new “lex Tusk” includes language about companies and their management. But is this likely to be a fair investigation into breaking sanctions on Russia, or a political witch-hunt in the business sphere?

Photo of President of the Republic of Poland Andrzej Duda

Polish President Andrzej Duda

Piotr Miaczynski, Leszek Kostrzewski

-Analysis-

WARSAW — Poland’s new Commission for investigating Russian influence, which President Andrzej Duda signed into law on Monday, will be able to summon representatives of any company for inquiry. It has sparked a major controversy in Polish politics, as political opponents of the government warn that the Commission has been given near absolute power to investigate and punish any citizen, business or organization.

And opposition politicians are expected to be high on the list of would-be suspects, starting with Donald Tusk, who is challenging the ruling PiS government to return to the presidency next fall. For that reason, it has been sardonically dubbed: Lex Tusk.

University of Warsaw law professor Michal Romanowski notes that the interests of any firm can be considered favorable to Russia. “These are instruments which the likes of Putin and Orban would not be ashamed of," Romanowski said.

The law on the Commission for examining Russian influences has "atomic" prerogatives sewn into it. Nine members of the Commission with the rank of secretary of state will be able to summon virtually anyone, with the powers of severe punishment.

Under the new law, these Commissioners will become arbiters of nearly absolute power, and will be able to use the resources of nearly any organ of the state, including the secret services, in order to demand access to every available document. They will be able to prosecute people for acts which were not prohibited at the time they were committed.

Their prerogatives are broader than that of the President or the Prime Minister, wider than those of any court. And there is virtually no oversight over their actions.

Nobody can feel safe. This includes companies, their management, lawyers, journalists, and trade unionists.

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