food / travel

Cruise The Mighty Amazon: Lush Terrain, Vampire Fish And Ghosts Of Henry Ford

The amazing Amazon
The amazing Amazon
Diana Pazos

MANAUS - As the plane approaches the dense green mantle, interrupted by the curves of the most abundant river in the world, you start to make out the shapes of the friendly – and not so friendly – animals living in the rainforest.

Before we embark for our cruise on these alligator, snake and piranha-infested waters, we spent a day in the urban jungle of Manaus.

North of Brazil, the capital of the Amazonas state is full of contradictions with its vertiginous pace and suffocating heat, its geographic impracticality and 1.8 million inhabitants. Founded by the Portuguese in 1669 about 4000 kilometers from Sao Paulo, the explanation behind the rapid economic growth of Manaus is found in its Hevea brasiliensis – the rubber tree.

From 1860 to 1920, Manaus lived through a rubber boom. It was the only city in Brazil with electricity and had technological advances that very few in the country had: tramway, avenues built over swamps and marshes, imposing European style buildings such as the Teatro Amazonas theatre, government palace, the municipal market, and the customs building.

Today, some of these buildings are abandoned, and some have become museums. They serve as a memory of the time when the city known as the “Paris of the Tropics,” with eccentricities to satisfy the new rich class that wanted to live with the luxury and comforts of the Old Continent.

In 1928, Henry Ford founded Fordlandia, a prefabricated industrial town not far away from Manaus, to secure the best source of cultivated rubber on the planet. He was tired of paying overpriced rubber prices to the British for his automobile business. Thousands of men came to this absurd and remote city.

When slums popped up

The rubber boom came to an end with the development of mass-produced synthetic rubber during World War I and II. Manaus soon found itself facing economic and social problems brought upon by high unemployment rates and the multiplication of slums. In 1957, the Brazilian government decided to create the Free Economic Zone of Manaus, with a special legal status and tax incentives to lift the region out of economic desolation.

To get away from the hustle and bustle, we visit the Rio Negro Palace (Black River Palace), the sumptuous residence of German Karl Waldemar Scholz, who settled in the Amazon forest in the early, prosperous 20th century. The residence became government headquarters in later decades and is now a tourist and cultural center. As well as exhibiting their state symbols such as the Amazon flag and anthem, the palace has a collection of historical photographs.

All of the city’s stately and ostentatious mansions and buildings were built with materials brought from Europe. Today, some are still standing, untouched, and some have been devoured by vegetation. The municipal market should figure amongst the top ten of the world’s craziest markets (if such a category exists). Under its half-English, half-French iron structure, a crowd of people in white uniforms scale and fillet some 1,700 species of freshwater fish that are indigenous to the region. What is most surprising is the size of the fish. The arapaima fish, for instance, is so big it would take about a month to eat it. It wouldn’t fit in any refrigerator – it weighs about 150 kilograms and measures 2.5 meters long.

When we arrive at the port terminal, there are trucks full of merchandise, men carrying packages, suitcases and trolleys: travelers embarking for a quick errand, to visit their family or go on vacation… It is here in the port of Manaus that we here a phrase that we will here again and again on our trip: “Instead of roads, there are rivers.”

We board the Iberostar Grand Amazon cruise ship, which will take us along the Solimoes River.

The Amazon rainforest, which covers the state almost entirely, is home to more than a third of the living species of the planet. The Amazon River covers millions of square kilometers and represents 20% of the earth’s freshwater.

Its name comes from Greek mythology – the Amazonas were legendary female warriors who would cut their right breast to use their bows and spears more freely. Spanish conquistador Francisco de Orellana, who was the first European to travel the length of the Amazon River, claims he ran into a tribe of corpulent women shooting poison arrows, which reminded him of the Greek Amazonas – hence the name.

As we pass by, fishermen greet us as they throw nets from their boats. Every now and then we spot small floating houses and bars, across large swaying tree trunks. Some people live in the floating houses, but most live directly on boats. In both cases, it is common to see them asleep on hammocks.

Shut off from the world

We visit an indigenous household. Alvaro is the grandson of an indigenous rubber collector, but his children and him now collect manioc. With curtains instead of doors and hammocks instead of beds (apparently the safest way to sleep protected from snakes, jaguars, insects, etc.), the house stands on stilts. Alvaro and his family tell us about how they collect rainwater and use medicinal plants and reveal the secrets of the urucun, a red fruit also known as annatto, which is ideal for make up or sun protection.

In the 16th century, when the Europeans arrived in Brazil, there were around five million indigenous people, but now there are only 40,000 left, in 76 ethnic groups. The caboclo people live off agriculture, hunting and fishing, while the ribeirinho people live mostly off fishing. There are no more nomadic groups on the banks of the river because they avoid contact tourists and white men in general.

Our guide, Rafael, tells us that there are about 18 tribes in the jungle that have never had contact with any outside people. He tells the anecdote of a group of German journalists that tried to contact some of these groups a few years ago, they came back alive but their clothes and cameras had been thrown in the river.

We pass by the much more untouched region of Manacapuru, the second largest city in the Amazon after Manaus. Here there are 90,000 inhabitants who live mostly on floating houses. We learn about piranha fishing. Of the 15 piranha species that exist in the river, the black ones can kill a person in 10 minutes. But if one were to be inevitably devoured by an animal in these waters, all we ask is that it is not the candirus vampire fish. For those who didn’t believe in jungle myths, these terrifying fish do exist, they enter through holes in the body and if they don’t find any, they make one in seconds, and feed on guts!

As if this was not enough to cause nightmares, that same night, we went alligator spotting. In the most complete darkness and silence, between marshy water plants…. the boat stops near the coast for us to watch the alligators, some of them three meters long.

The next morning we visit the site of the Meeting of Waters, the confluence between the Negro River – a river with almost black water – and the the Solimoes, with sandy-colored water. For six kilometers, they run side by side without ever coming together, because of their temperature differences, velocity and density.

We navigate for an hour and a half down the Negro River, to the Acajatuba lake, where we spot the botos pink dolphins. But don't be fooled. The guide explains that they are known for their ferocious temperament and powerful teeth.

A three-toed sloth swims up to us. This tree-mammal is as sociable as the small monkeys from the Ariau Amazon Towers, a hotel on stilts in the middle of the jungle, where the movie Anaconda was filmed. Even though the anacondas are not as large as the ones portrayed in the movie, there are lots of them. The best accomodation in this hotel are the Tarzan Houses, tree houses in the jungle canopy with wooden catwalks.

When we visited one of the Tarzan houses, a family of five monkeys joined us, impossible to dislodge until our guide applauded twice – then they all lined up and walked out.

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How Thailand's Lèse-Majesté Law Is Used To Stifle All Protest

Once meant to protect the royal family, the century-old law has become a tool for the military-led government in Bangkok to stamp out all dissent. A new report outlines the abuses.

Pro-Democracy protest at The Criminal Court in Bangkok, Thailand

"We need to reform the institution of the monarchy in Thailand. It is the root of the problem." Those words, from Thai student activist Juthatip Sirikan, are a clear expression of the growing youth-led movement that is challenging the legitimacy of the government and demanding deep political changes in the Southeast Asian nation. Yet those very same words could also send Sirikan to jail.

Thailand's Criminal Code 'Lèse-Majesté' Article 112 imposes jail terms for defaming, insulting, or threatening the monarchy, with sentences of three to 15 years. This law has been present in Thai politics since 1908, though applied sparingly, only when direct verbal or written attacks against members of the royal family.

But after the May 2014 military coup d'état, Thailand experienced the first wave of lèse-majesté arrests, prosecutions, and detentions of at least 127 individuals arrested in a much wider interpretation of the law.

The recent report 'Second Wave: The Return of Lèse-Majesté in Thailand', documents how the Thai government has "used and abused Article 112 of the Criminal Code to target pro-democracy activists and protesters in relation to their online political expression and participation in peaceful pro-democracy demonstrations."

Criticism of any 'royal project'

The investigation shows 124 individuals, including at least eight minors, have been charged with lèse-majesté between November 2020 and August 2021. Nineteen of them served jail time. The new wave of charges is cited as a response to the rising pro-democracy protests across Thailand over the past year.

Juthatip Sirikan explains that the law is now being applied in such a broad way that people are not allowed to question government budgets and expenditure if they have any relationship with the royal family, which stifles criticism of the most basic government decision-making since there are an estimated 5,000 ongoing "royal" projects. "Article 112 of lèse-majesté could be the key (factor) in Thailand's political problems" the young activist argues.

In 2020 the Move Forward opposition party questioned royal spending paid by government departments, including nearly 3 billion baht (89,874,174 USD) from the Defense Ministry and Thai police for royal security, and 7 billion baht budgeted for royal development projects, as well as 38 planes and helicopters for the monarchy. Previously, on June 16, 2018, it was revealed that Thailand's Crown Property Bureau transferred its entire portfolio to the new King Maha Vajiralongkorn.

photo of graffiti of 112 crossed out on sidewalk

Protestors In Bangkok Call For Political Prisoner Release

Peerapon Boonyakiat/SOPA Images via ZUMA Wire

Freedom of speech at stake

"Article 112 shuts down all freedom of speech in this country", says Sirikan. "Even the political parties fear to touch the subject, so it blocks most things. This country cannot move anywhere if we still have this law."

The student activist herself was charged with lèse-majesté in September 2020, after simply citing a list of public documents that refer to royal family expenditure. Sirikan comes from a family that has faced the consequences of decades of political repression. Her grandfather, Tiang Sirikhan was a journalist and politician who openly protested against Thailand's involvement in World War II. He was accused of being a Communist and abducted in 1952. According to Sirikhan's family, he was killed by the state.

The new report was conducted by The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), Thai Lawyer for Human Rights (TLHR), and Internet Law Reform Dialogue (iLaw). It accuses Thai authorities of an increasingly broad interpretation of Article 112, to the point of "absurdity," including charges against people for criticizing the government's COVID-19 vaccine management, wearing crop tops, insulting the previous monarch, or quoting a United Nations statement about Article 112.

Activist in front of democracy monument in Thailand.

Shift to social media

While in the past the Article was only used against people who spoke about the royals, it's now being used as an alibi for more general political repression — which has also spurred more open campaigning to abolish it. Sirikan recounts recent cases of police charging people for spreading paint near the picture of the king during a protest, or even just for having a picture of the king as phone wallpaper.

The more than a century-old law is now largely playing out online, where much of today's protest takes place in Thailand. Sirikan says people are willing to go further on social media to expose information such as how the king intervenes in politics and the monarchy's accumulation of wealth, information the mainstream media rarely reports on them.

Not surprisingly, however, social media is heavily monitored and the military is involved in Intelligence operations and cyber attacks against human rights defenders and critics of any kind. In October 2020, Twitter took down 926 accounts, linked to the army and the government, which promoted themselves and attacked political opposition, and this June, Google removed two Maps with pictures, names, and addresses, of more than 400 people who were accused of insulting the Thai monarchy. "They are trying to control the internet as well," Sirikan says. "They are trying to censor every content that they find a threat".

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