French Youth And The Far Right, A Budding Love Affair?

Long relied upon to rally against the far-right National Front party, young French people are increasingly seduced by the ideas of Marine Le Pen. Terrorism isn't the only reason.

Supporters of the National Front in Paris on May 1
Supporters of the National Front in Paris on May 1
Aurélie Collas and Eric Nunès

LILLE â€" Youssef is only 16. In 2017, when he’ll be able to vote, he already knows what he'll do: “I’ll vote for anyone as long as they stand in the way of the National Front!” A tenth grader at the lycée Baggio, in the northern French city of Lille, Youssef is relieved that in recent regional elections, his Nord-Pas-de-Calais-Picardy region, slipped away from the leader of the far-right National Front (FN) party of Marine Le Pen.

If he were able to vote, he would have chosen her rival, the candidate of The Republicans party, Xavier Bertrand. “The FN is racist. They hate Arabs, Black people, the Roma ... They don’t want a multicultural France!” They are words we have gotten used to hearing from young people in elections going back a generation.

But how many, among tomorrow’s voters, still see the far right party in such stark terms? How many are prepared to stand in its way in the ballot boxes, or to take to the streets, like between the two rounds of the 2002 presidential election when Le Pen's father, FN founder Jean-Marie Le Pen made it to the runoff against Jacques Chirac? Is the French youth still as united against the Front National as it has been for so long? The short answer is: No.

In the first round of the regional elections this month, one-third of the votes of the 18 to 24-year-olds went to the FN, far in front of the center-left coalition (21%) and the center-right coalition (20%), according to a survey by Harris Interactive on Dec. 6.

In the Nord-Pas-de-Calais-Picardy region, where the FN achieved its best results â€" 42.23% for Marine Le Pen, against 57.77% for the center-right winner, Xavier Bertrand â€" the younger generations, as diverse as they may be, seem to have something in common: great disillusionment towards traditional political parties.

For some people, in a context where elites appear to be always the same faces, the FN embodies novelty. Take Fabien, 15, also a 10th grader at the lycée Baggio: “Why not give it a chance? On the right and left, it’s always the same guys, who’ve never been able to solve problems and have no other program than preventing the FN from accessing power.”

Is she racist?

An “anti-system” reaction? Not only. In Lille, as well as in Beauvais, some 200 kilometers south, certain far-right ideas have real appeal with young people. Shana, in 11th grade at the lycée Félix-Faure in Beauvais, isn’t surprised to see the FN at the gates of power, particularly after the Nov. 13 terrorist attacks in Paris. If she were able to, she would have voted for Marine Le Pen, “for more security, a reduction of energy costs, a pension increase,” she says.

In Picardy, where 23% of children and teens live below the poverty line, the scapegoat is sometimes easily found: immigrants. “I understood that Marine Le Pen wanted to get rid of them. You should care about others, but we don’t have any other choice than putting an end to immigration," says Laurie, 16, at the lycée Jacobins, in Beauvais. "We can’t take them all in and we shouldn’t be paying for them.”

Laurie pauses, looking over at her classmate, Junior, an 18-year-old from Ivory Coast. “He shouldn’t have to leave. Those who’ve been here a long time should be able to stay.”

For some young people, the blatently racist past of FN founder Jean-Marie Le Pen is far away. “Marine Le Pen isn’t racist, just nationalist,” says Allan, 17, carrying out a vocational baccalaureate at the lycée Promeo, also in Beauvais.

“I understand those who vote for the FN,” notes Noémie, another student at lycée Baggio. “Marine Le Pen is good at putting her finger on social problems. People are worried, but her absurd and demagogue ideas will only make the situation worse.”

This former activist with the Socialist party youth organization says she is “truly disenchanted” with the ruling center-left arty. “They live in their own corner, out of touch with reality. They’re only interested by their own little world,” she says.

Though he considers FN as "fascists," and believed they were a real threat to take power in his region, Lucas, in his second year of Advanced Technician Certificate at the lycée Baggio, didn’t vote. “Even if I did, I would have cast a blank vote, like in previous elections," he said. "Politicians are in their own world, out of touch, blowing hot air!”

For young people, indeed, abstention is the preferred choice. According to surveys carried out after the first round, two-thirds of the 18 to 24-year-olds didn't vote.

Bénédicte, 19, cast a blank vote instead, deciding it is always better to participate. Still, she is surprised by the number of her young peers who express sympathy towards the FN. "Some are actually racist," she says. "Others are just sick of the right and left-wing parties.”

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What It Means When The Jews Of Germany No Longer Feel Safe

A neo-Nazi has been buried in the former grave of a Jewish musicologist Max Friedlaender – not an oversight, but a deliberate provocation. This is just one more example of antisemitism on the rise in Germany, and society's inability to respond.

At a protest against antisemitism in Berlin

Eva Marie Kogel


BERLIN — If you want to check the state of your society, there's a simple test: as the U.S. High Commissioner for Germany, John Jay McCloy, said in 1949, the touchstone for a democracy is the well-being of Jews. This litmus test is still relevant today. And it seems Germany would not pass.

Incidents are piling up. Most recently, groups of neo-Nazis from across the country traveled to a church near Berlin for the funeral of a well-known far-right figure. He was buried in the former grave of Jewish musicologist Max Friedlaender, a gravesite chosen deliberately by the right-wing extremists.

The incident at the cemetery

They intentionally chose a Jewish grave as an act of provocation, trying to gain maximum publicity for this act of desecration. And the cemetery authorities at the graveyard in Stahnsdorf fell for it. The church issued an immediate apology, calling it a "terrible mistake" and saying they "must immediately see whether and what we can undo."

There are so many incidents that get little to no media attention.

It's unfathomable that this burial was allowed to take place at all, but now the cemetery authorities need to make a decision quickly about how to put things right. Otherwise, the grave may well become a pilgrimage site for Holocaust deniers and antisemites.

The incident has garnered attention in the international press and it will live long in the memory. Like the case of singer-songwriter Gil Ofarim, who recently claimed he was subjected to antisemitic abuse at a hotel in Leipzig. Details of the crime are still being investigated. But there are so many other incidents that get little to no media attention.

Photo of the grave of Jewish musicologist Max Friedlaender

The grave of Jewish musicologist Max Friedlaender

Jens Kalaene/dpa/ZUMA

Crimes against Jews are rising

Across all parts of society, antisemitism is on the rise. Until a few years ago, Jewish life was seen as an accepted part of German society. Since the attack on the synagogue in Halle in 2019, the picture has changed: it was a bitter reminder that right-wing terror against Jewish people has a long, unbroken history in Germany.

Stories have abounded about the coronavirus crisis being a Jewish conspiracy; meanwhile, Muslim antisemitism is becoming louder and more forceful. The anti-Israel boycott movement BDS rears its head in every debate on antisemitism, just as left-wing or post-colonial thinking are part of every discussion.

Jewish life needs to be allowed to step out of the shadows.

Since 2015, the number of antisemitic crimes recorded has risen by about a third, to 2,350. But victims only report around 20% of cases. Some choose not to because they've had bad experiences with the police, others because they're afraid of the perpetrators, and still others because they just want to put it behind them. Victims clearly hold out little hope of useful reaction from the state – so crimes go unreported.

And the reality of Jewish life in Germany is a dark one. Sociologists say that Jewish children are living out their "identity under siege." What impact does it have on them when they can only go to nursery under police protection? Or when they hear Holocaust jokes at school?

Germany needs to take its antisemitism seriously

This shows that the country of commemorative services and "stumbling blocks" placed in sidewalks as a memorial to victims of the Nazis has lost its moral compass. To make it point true north again, antisemitism needs to be documented from the perspective of those affected, making it visible to the non-Jewish population. And Jewish life needs to be allowed to step out of the shadows.

That is the first thing. The second is that we need to talk about specifically German forms of antisemitism. For example, the fact that in no other EU country are Jewish people so often confronted about the Israeli government's policies (according to a survey, 41% of German Jews have experienced this, while the EU average is 28%). Projecting the old antisemitism onto the state of Israel offers people a more comfortable target for their arguments.

Our society needs to have more conversations about antisemitism. The test of German democracy, as McCloy called it, starts with taking these concerns seriously and talking about them. We need to have these conversations because it affects all of us. It's about saving our democracy. Before it's too late.

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