Calais Crossing: An Inside Look At The Ugly Business Of Human Trafficking

Calais, France along the English Channel has served as a hub for UK-bound illegal migrants for more than a decade. Now Egyptian, Kurdish and Albanese traffickers are fighting for control.

Illegal immigrants in a Calais "jungle"
Arthur Frayer

CALAIS Inside, the convenience shop sells the usual selection of beer and whiskey, chips and candy. Outside in the parking lot, just a few meters away, human trafficking is underway. Welcome to the Transmarck freight zone, on the outskirts of the northern French city of Calais.

Here, two hours away from both London and Brussels, Africans, Afghans and Syrians basically become merchandise, often spending several thousand euros to get across the English Channel to search for work in Britain.

Over the past decade, this place has become one of the strongholds of European migrant smuggling. And an important piece of it happens in this small parking lot, which is barely bigger than a tennis court, where trucks heading to the United Kingdom pass through. Much of the business occurs in plain view.

The police drive by several times a day to break the rhythm of the smugglers and dissuade them. But the inevitable flow continues.

At first glance, Transmarck looks like a dull and functional industrial zone: two streets, one roundabout, metallic warehouses, and trucks registered from all over Europe parked diagonally and close together on the secured parking areas of the region's companies. Only the supermarket is not enclosed by fences.

On a recent autumn afternoon, under the low skies of the northern department of Pas-de-Calais, the thickets rustle with nervous movements. Afghans are occupying the area. Around 15 men, crouching in the grass and the rubble, with their bags on their backs, are watching the stationary trucks outside the shop, just across the road. As soon as a heavy truck cuts its engine, the young men jump out, cross the road and try to sneak inside. Each attempt is a failure. The drivers, not all of them complicit in this game, are watching.

Ahmad, a 26-year-old student from Kabul, steps aside from the others not to disrupt them. He rolls a cigarette between his fingers. "We have until 6 p.m. to climb into the trucks," he says. "After that, it's the Africans' turn. We can only start again the following morning from 6 a.m. At that time, it's still a bit dark, so it's our best chance."

Price of a "guarantee"

All of this may seem surprising. They have a timetable to risk their lives to get to England? Ahmad suddenly seems confused. He arrived in Calais only four days ago, he says, and is simply following what the other Afghans are doing. And he was told they were not allowed to be at the parking area during the night. Why? He doesn't know. Did he pay to be allowed here? He doesn't answer.

According to the French border police, the smugglers often hide among their "customers." Same nationality, same physical features, same language, same clothes.

Ahmad's kutchakbar (smuggler, in Farsi) is possibly there among the men in the bushes. A few months ago, the police were lucky. A smuggler got caught because he forgot one detail in his disguise: He was the only one not carrying a backpack.

At Transmarck, the migrant smugglers used to operate only at night. Now, they also make their customers try to sneak into trucks in broad daylight. The massive influx of newcomers, most from the Horn of Africa, allowed them to increase their revenue. The trade is profitable: 2,000 euros for a passing "with no guarantee," which means for a single attempt. Up to 5,000 euros for a "guaranteed" passing, for which the smugglers commit to make as many attempts as necessary.

And if there are deaths, by suffocation or being run over, there will always be new customers. Poverty is a flourishing trade. According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), migrant trafficking yields more than $6.75 billion (5.35 billion euros) every year.

"People are treated like cattle," says Jean-Pierre Valensi, prosecutor of the Boulogne-sur-Mer high court, where most Calais cases are tried. "We find the migrants hiding in hollowed-out bottoms and in car trunks. Sometimes, it's whole families." One day, the police found five Pakistanis hidden in the trunk of a Mazda: the father, the mother and their three children, who had been given sleeping pills so they wouldn't make any sounds.

In the Calais region, parking lots are the center of migrant smuggling. Controlling them guarantees the domination of the market. Losing them means being outplayed by rivals. Kurds from Halabja, a town in northern Iraq near the current war zone where ISIS militants have attacked, rule the Marcel-Doret area of activity. The Eritreans control the Beau-Marais and the Steenvoorde service areas, on the road between the cities of Lille and Dunkerque. The Albanians, who arrived late in the business, control the gas stations further away along the A16 motorway: those of the Baie de Somme and of l'Epitre. An Albanian was stabbed to death one night in early March.

As for the Transmarck zone, for a long time, it was the territory of the Chamchamali clan, Iraqi Kurds, violent and very organized, implanted in the region for around 10 years and rivals of the Halabja Kurds. For a decade, they worked like a business: Traffickers blend in with the migrants in the "jungles" and the settlements. They lived like them, ate like them, slept alongside them. One of the heads of the network was found in a rearranged burrow in the forest. At night, their men organized incursions in the trucks. The Chamchamali were particularly fond of trafficking "the small eyes," as they called Vietnamese migrants, to England. They reportedly paid well and promptly.

Bad for business

But since 2011 and the breakup of a part of the clan by the border police, things have changed. The Kurds, weakened, have had to concede time slots to their rivals. The Afghan, Eritrean and Egyptian smugglers came along. Better give a bit of our territory than flee completely, the Chamchamali thought. They didn't imagine the Egyptians would outfox them. Led by an ambitious boss nicknamed "Ramadjan," the newcomers have waged war against the former bosses.

In Calais — Photo: Kai Hendry

The groups fought each other twice in the freight zone in the early 2010s. Not far from the battle locations, the police found handguns, sawed-off shotguns and high-caliber hunting rifles. The Egyptians have partially taken over power, and rumor has it that in Egypt, "Ramadjan" has built himself entire streets.

In one of the parking lots, an employee wearing overalls categorically refuses to reveal his name or his company's so he does not have any "complications." Still, he describes what he sees every week: The smugglers climb onto the roofs with a knife to cut the top off the canvas covers "just behind the driver's cabin" and push their customers to climb in there. The drivers end up with damaged trucks. Pallets are turned over. "It's really bad for business," says one driver. Most of the time, the migrants sneak in without the drivers knowing, but sometimes, unscrupulous drivers are paid to turn a blind eye.

In his office, March's young Mayor Pierre-Henri Dumont confirms what the employee would barely say out loud. "Some Transmarck companies have lost 20% to 30% of their revenues." Leaning over his desk, he holds out an aerial-view photo of the freight zone, printed from Google Maps. With the tip of his pen, he points to a field. "That's where the migrants live." It's only 500 meters away from the supermarket. Some freight companies now ask their drivers not to stop there anymore, and to take their break and fuel up before that, near the city of Lens, 100 kilometers away.

In his office of the Boulogne-sur-Mer high court, prosecutor Jean-Pierre Valensi says his powers to stop the flow are limited. "The heads of these networks are in England, and in our courts we only sentence the smaller players," he explains.

There are ebbs and flows, and new routes arise all the time. But here, between the European continent and the opportunity and relatives that await in Britain, the stream of humanity shows no signs of drying up.

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Reading Rumi In Kabul: A Persian Poet's Lesson For Radical Islam

Born some eight centuries ago, the famed poet and philosopher Rumi offered ideas on religion that bear little resemblance to the brand of Islam being imposed right now in Afghanistan by the Taliban regime.

The work of 13th-century poet Rumi still resonsates today

Mihir Chitre

Among the various Afghan cities that the Taliban has invaded and apparently "reclaimed" in recent weeks is Balkh, a town near the country's north-western border. Interestingly, it was there, about 800 years ago, that a man called Jalal ad-Din Mohammad Balkhi, better known as Rumi, was born.

Some see the grotesque exhibitionism of the Taliban advance as a celebration of Islam or a "going back to the roots" campaign. As if followers of Islam were always like this, as if every willing Muslim always propagated austerity and oppressiveness. As if it was always meant to be this way and any shred of liberalism was a digression from the quest of the religion.

In fact, a look at the history of the religion — and of the region — tells a different story, which is why there's no better time than now to rediscover the wisdom of the poet Rumi, but without doing away with its religious context.

In a world where Islam is a popular villain and lots of terrible acts across the world in the name of the religion have fueled this notion among the West and among people from other religions, it's paramount that we understand the difference between religion as a personal or spiritual concept and religion as an institution, a cage, a set of laws created to control us.

Why do you stop praying?

To begin with, and largely due to the film Rockstar, the most famous Rumi quote known to Indians goes like this: "Out beyond the ideas of wrongdoing and rightdoing, there's a field. I'll meet you there."

Rumi's original Persian verse, however, uses the words kufr (meaning infidelity) and Imaan (meaning religion), which was translated as "wrongdoing" and "rightdoing." To me, the original verse surpasses the translation with a vital, often missed, often deliberately forgotten, interpretation, which is to highlight the fact that there is humanity, love and compassion or a certain kind of mystical quality to life beyond the concept of religion and that is the ultimate place, the place where Rumi invites us to meet him.

It would be incorrect now to read this and think of Rumi as irreligious. In fact, he was quite the opposite. But his interpretation of religion was personal, spiritual and not institutional or communal or exhibitionist.

In one of his poems, translated by Coleman Banks as "Love Dogs" in English, a man who has stopped praying to God because he never got a response meets "Khidr," an angel messenger, in his dream:

Why did you stop praising (or praying)?

Because I've never heard anything back.

This longing you express is the return message.

To me, through this poem, it's clear that Rumi advocates for a personal relationship with God. In fact, he goes on to say that being true to God is to long for his validation or nod, that life is longing.

A copy of Rumi's spiritual couplets at the Mevl\u00e2na Museum in Konya, Turkey

A copy of Rumi's spiritual couplets at the Mevlâna Museum in Konya, Turkey — Photo: Georges Jansoone/Wikimedia

Don't sweep the history of Islam with the broom of radicalism

For those familiar with the European literature of the 20th century, I could say that this echoes the ideas of Samuel Beckett. But remember: Rumi lived 800 years ago, at the heart of what we call the "Muslim world." To equate Islam on the whole with repressiveness and hostility, as many of us do today, might just be a criminal contradiction then.

It's also interesting to note that after the Quran, Rumi's is probably the most widely read work in the Islamic world, which suggests that Rumi's ideas, which may sound too progressive for anyone remotely associated with Islam in today's world, have, in fact, been accepted and cherished by the Islamic world for centuries. Sweeping the whole history of the Islamic world with the broom of radicalism wouldn't then be the fairest assessment of either the religion or of radicalism.

This physical world has no two things alike.
Every comparison is awkwardly rough.
You can put a lion next to a man,
but the placing is hazardous to both.

(From the poem: "An Awkward Comparison")

It's tragic that the Taliban has ravaged the same place with their own power-hungry, totalitarian interpretation of the religion which once produced a mind that embraces it with wide arms of warmth and peace and refuses to be compared with other followers of the same.

How to cure bad habits?

It is vital for us to separate groupism or communalism, which often escalates to barbarism, from the thought it is based on. It is vital then to read and reread that what Rumi sees as religion is the private association with God. It is also vital to mark the emphasis on individuality in Rumi's thought.

All the Western ideas of liberalism are based on the idea of individuality, which in turn is based on post-renaissance European thought. Asian philosophy is contrasted with its Western counterpart in the fact that it is rooted in mysticism as opposed to individuality.

Islam itself has long had a tradition of mysticism that is known as Sufism. Sufism is a sort of an inward dimension of Islam, a practice that encourages a direct, personal connection with the divine, a spiritual proximity to the omniscient that transcends the physical world and temporarily subverts immediate reality.

Sufism is the quest for the truth of love and knowledge, without necessarily always distinguishing between the two. Rumi was known as the Mevlana (Maulana) and his poetic collection Masnavi meaning "the spiritual couplets" is known as the Persian Quran. He was no doubt a mystic, a Sufi, and one who strongly endorsed the personal, for the most intimately individual is the truly spiritual.

Rumi might remain unparalleled in not just the Islamic world but also in the world of philosophy and poetry across the globe. Another thing that he will remain is dead. The Taliban, on the other hand, at least for now, looks rampant and alive.

It is now up to us, the other people who are alive, and the ones who are going to be born — not just Muslims but everyone else as well — to choose which interpretation of Islam we uphold or react to, how we read history, and what we borrow from it.

How to cure bad water? Send it back to the river.
How to cure bad habits? Send me back to you.

(From the poem: "My Worst Habit")

I think what we, as a world, need now more than ever is to be sent back to Rumi.
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