CAIRO â€" A woman carried her son as she pleaded with the doctor in charge of Nasser Institute Hospitalâ€™s blood bank for a few bags of blood to save his life after a serious car accident. The doctor turned her away, saying that the boy's rare blood type was not available.
Salma Khattab, whose father was undergoing heart surgery at the same hospital witnessed the incident, and watched the grieving mother leave the hospital in despair. Khattabâ€™s father was also in a need of the same rare blood type. â€œWe donated a lot of blood so that we could exchange them for the blood type that my father needs,â€ she said. After a few phone calls to well-connected people, the same doctor was ordered to give Khattabâ€™s father the blood he needs.
The situation of blood banks in Egyptâ€™s public hospitals continues to deteriorate, as blood is turning into an expensive commodity not everybody can afford.
According to World Health Organizationâ€™s (WHO) 2011 report on the Global Database for Blood Safety (GDBS), the blood donation rate in Egypt ranges between 10-19.9 donations for every 1,000 people, which is a relatively low rate. Egypt has consistently suffered from blood supply shortage, a result of this absence of a blood donation culture. The crisis also reflects structural failure in the policies organizing blood donation and transfusion.
In 1999, the Health Ministry issued a decree banning the collection of blood from paid donors nationwide to control a growing blood donation market. The decree was part of a government initiative to restructure blood transfusion services that started in 1997. According to the national blood policy presented by the Egyptian government to the WHO, a regulatory body called the National Blood Transfusion Service (NBTS) was launched in 1997 to act as â€œthe sole provider of blood and blood products within the Health Ministry and defines the organizational, financial and legal measures to ensure adequate supplies of safe blood and blood products over a specified period of time.â€
The new government policy prevented public hospitals from providing blood transfusion services, limiting the procedure to university hospitals through their blood banks. Blood banks at public hospitals were turned into storage blood banks. NBTS sells subsidized blood bags to citizens for LE130 and to hospitals for LE95.
Ahmed Zaghloul, founder of one of Egyptâ€™s biggest voluntary blood donation initiatives â€œThe Egyptian Blood Bank,â€ explained to Mada Masr that this policy ultimately further worsened the crisis of blood transfusion in Egypt. He accused NBTS of selling blood bags allocated to public hospitals to private hospitals as part of corrupt deals. An average blood bag of a rare type in a private hospital can cost LE300, and can go as high as LE700, he claims.
For every blood bag needed by a patient in any Egyptian hospital, the patientâ€™s family is required to donate at least one bag of blood themselves. If the patient has a rare blood type, the family is required to donate more blood for every blood bag needed. In some cases, family members have to donate five bags of blood in exchange for one bag of a rare blood type.
â€œThis level of scarcity created a black market for blood, which is mostly dominated by certain hospitals that have developed a reputation in blood dealing,â€ Zaghloul explained.
The head of the NBTS was not available to comment on these accusations.
Writer Omar Taher published an article on June 2011 claiming that most of the blood donated by Egyptians to the revolutionâ€™s casualties through NBTS was sold to private hospitals. According to Taher, NBTS declined to provide public hospitals with the necessary blood supply.
Zaghloul asserted that Taherâ€™s article, which went viral back then, pushed regular Egyptian donors to question where their blood goes. â€œPeople have become more reluctant to donate their blood. They donâ€™t want their blood to be sold for money as part of a corrupt business deal,â€ he explained.
Currently, people commonly donate blood to their relatives who undergo serious surgeries, or through online blood donation campaigns. He cited one case where a blood donor was told that he has hepatitis C after donating one bag of blood to a private hospital. Later on, his blood tests showed that he was not a Hepatitis C patient, and that the hospital lied to him so they would not have to provide him with blood in exchange for the bag he donated.
â€œThose hospitals literally suck peopleâ€™s blood,â€ Zaghloul said.
Ahmed Atteya recounts his ordeal with a friend who needed an urgent blood transfusion last year to Mada Masr. â€œAfter going to VACSERA, one of the main blood banks, and six hospitals in Mohandiseen and Nasr City, we had to buy blood from a black market dealer. There were no tests conducted on this blood, and this put her life at risk,â€ he said.
On the other hand, head of Kasr al-Aini Hospital Blood Bank and clinical pathologist Heba Gouda believes that Egyptâ€™s blood transfusion problem has more to do with failures in policy implementation amid an ailing healthcare system. â€œWe are far from implementing ongoing scientific developments in the blood transfusion field. There are new transfusion guidelines every year, there is new research, but we are still adopting old techniques in a decaying framework,â€ she explained.
The lack of a blood donation culture further complicates the problem. When asked about reasons that prevent them from regularly donating blood, several people interviewed expressed concerns over hygiene and the possibility of infection.
Pharmacist Ayman Elewa tells Mada Masr that he was once donating blood at Kasr al-Aini hospital when the cannula fell on the ground. â€œThe nurse wanted to clean it with alcohol and re-insert it. I never went to donate at this hospital again,â€ he said.
However, Gouda asserted that the blood donation process is completely safe for donors, but adds that â€œIt is natural that donors will be skeptical when they sit on donation chairs that are dirty and torn, or see the medical staff wearing gowns that are not really clean or the staff not adhering to safety guidelines,â€ she added.
Aiming to counter misconceptions about blood donation in Egypt, Bloodegy is an online initiative that started four years ago to connect blood donors with those in need through social media. The initiative founders hope that one day they can develop a strong blood donation culture in Egypt.
One of the administrators of the Bloodegy page, Mahmoud Abdel Aziz, said that voluntary blood donation initiatives and charity organizations are working on filling the gap, but â€œas long as volunteers are working alone without support or coordination with the state, our work is like painkillers, unfortunately.â€
Khattab tells Mada Masr that she has had enough of heartbreaking stories that have to do with people needing blood and not being able to access it. In one story, she lost her best friend. â€œIn a country where peopleâ€™s blood is shed in the streets in vain, those in charge wonâ€™t care about providing the blood for those they kill every day,â€ Khattab says.
A neo-Nazi has been buried in the former grave of a Jewish musicologist Max Friedlaender – not an oversight, but a deliberate provocation. This is just one more example of antisemitism on the rise in Germany, and society's inability to respond.
BERLIN — If you want to check the state of your society, there's a simple test: as the U.S. High Commissioner for Germany, John Jay McCloy, said in 1949, the touchstone for a democracy is the well-being of Jews. This litmus test is still relevant today. And it seems Germany would not pass.
Incidents are piling up. Most recently, groups of neo-Nazis from across the country traveled to a church near Berlin for the funeral of a well-known far-right figure. He was buried in the former grave of Jewish musicologist Max Friedlaender, a gravesite chosen deliberately by the right-wing extremists.
The incident at the cemetery
They intentionally chose a Jewish grave as an act of provocation, trying to gain maximum publicity for this act of desecration. And the cemetery authorities at the graveyard in Stahnsdorf fell for it. The church issued an immediate apology, calling it a "terrible mistake" and saying they "must immediately see whether and what we can undo."
There are so many incidents that get little to no media attention.
It's unfathomable that this burial was allowed to take place at all, but now the cemetery authorities need to make a decision quickly about how to put things right. Otherwise, the grave may well become a pilgrimage site for Holocaust deniers and antisemites.
The incident has garnered attention in the international press and it will live long in the memory. Like the case of singer-songwriter Gil Ofarim, who recently claimed he was subjected to antisemitic abuse at a hotel in Leipzig. Details of the crime are still being investigated. But there are so many other incidents that get little to no media attention.
The grave of Jewish musicologist Max Friedlaender
Crimes against Jews are rising
Across all parts of society, antisemitism is on the rise. Until a few years ago, Jewish life was seen as an accepted part of German society. Since the attack on the synagogue in Halle in 2019, the picture has changed: it was a bitter reminder that right-wing terror against Jewish people has a long, unbroken history in Germany.
Stories have abounded about the coronavirus crisis being a Jewish conspiracy; meanwhile, Muslim antisemitism is becoming louder and more forceful. The anti-Israel boycott movement BDS rears its head in every debate on antisemitism, just as left-wing or post-colonial thinking are part of every discussion.
Jewish life needs to be allowed to step out of the shadows.
Since 2015, the number of antisemitic crimes recorded has risen by about a third, to 2,350. But victims only report around 20% of cases. Some choose not to because they've had bad experiences with the police, others because they're afraid of the perpetrators, and still others because they just want to put it behind them. Victims clearly hold out little hope of useful reaction from the state – so crimes go unreported.
And the reality of Jewish life in Germany is a dark one. Sociologists say that Jewish children are living out their "identity under siege." What impact does it have on them when they can only go to nursery under police protection? Or when they hear Holocaust jokes at school?
Germany needs to take its antisemitism seriously
This shows that the country of commemorative services and "stumbling blocks" placed in sidewalks as a memorial to victims of the Nazis has lost its moral compass. To make it point true north again, antisemitism needs to be documented from the perspective of those affected, making it visible to the non-Jewish population. And Jewish life needs to be allowed to step out of the shadows.
That is the first thing. The second is that we need to talk about specifically German forms of antisemitism. For example, the fact that in no other EU country are Jewish people so often confronted about the Israeli government's policies (according to a survey, 41% of German Jews have experienced this, while the EU average is 28%). Projecting the old antisemitism onto the state of Israel offers people a more comfortable target for their arguments.
Our society needs to have more conversations about antisemitism. The test of German democracy, as McCloy called it, starts with taking these concerns seriously and talking about them. We need to have these conversations because it affects all of us. It's about saving our democracy. Before it's too late.
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