September 26, 2018
TORA — I struggle back to the prison wing, my arms protesting under the weight of the gift bags I'm carrying, one in each hand. I can feel the sweat streaming from underneath my hair, which has been left to grow for months and is now the longest it's ever been.
Inside me is a glowing particle of joy. My sister has brought me a present. Having found a website that sells Harry Potter merchandise for obsessive fans, she turned up to today's visit with a long rectangular package of the kind you might find at Ollivanders. From inside it, she produced a magic wand with round knots along its length.
The Elder Wand.
I grin, thinking about how we played with it in the visiting room as I explained the story to my mum.
I approach the guard who sits at the entrance to the wing, ready for the second visit-day search and pat down. I place the bags in front of him and he checks their contents one by one. Food, clothes, sweets, soap. When he gets to the rectangular box, he peers at it, then opens it. He takes out the wand, turns it over several times in bemusement, then looks up at me.
I hesitate awkwardly, then venture, "Ever heard of Harry Potter?"
I could do with a bit of magic to relieve this stifling loneliness.
He stares me as if I'm speaking Chinese, then turns his attention back to the wand and starts trying to bend it in half. I decide I'd better tell him the truth before he breaks it.
"It's a magic wand."
He raises his gaze slowly and looks me straight in the eye. I return his gaze with total seriousness.
"God protect us, whatever next?" he scoffs, slapping his hands together and shaking his head, having tossed the wand and its box back into the bag and waved me through. As I pass, he mutters to himself about the things he sees in prison these days. I act innocent. He doesn't know that the wand he was holding in his hands, just a few seconds ago, was created by Death himself.
Later, after everyone else is asleep, I sit cross-legged in the far corner of the cell. It's 1 a.m. The cell is cramped but intimate. It's slightly damp, because of the bathroom next door, and only a dim bulb illuminates the nighttime darkness. We call it "the kitchen" because it's festooned with Tupperware containers storing vegetables, onion, garlic, spices and all manner of other bits and pieces for cooking.
I take a sip of coffee from my paper cup, then pick up the wand and contemplate it. I could do with a bit of magic to relieve this stifling loneliness. To lift, for a few moments, the cloak of alienation I've worn so long and hard it's become tattered.
I raise the wand and point it at a tomato.
"Wingardium leviosa!" I cry a levitation charm, moving my wrist according to the instructions I've stored in my memory. Swish and flick. After a few failed attempts, I abandon the tomato and aim at my coffee in the hope of warming it up.
Nothing. Then I realize that had that spell succeeded, I'd have set the paper cup on fire rather than warming up the coffee, and thank the Lord for my limited magical talents. The five years since I read the series have obviously affected my memory.
Wingardium leviosa? Helicopter leaving Egypt's Tora Prison — Photo: Ahmed Asad/APA Images/ZUMA
I take pleasure in thinking about the similarities between me and Harry. Before my 19th birthday, I lay among the bodies in the cell and traced out the words "Happy Birthday" on the floor, just like Harry did on the stone floor of the shack where the door suddenly burst open and he learned he was a wizard. In my case, the door slammed open to reveal a gang of intelligence officers, yelling and kicking and punching as they dragged us out for a shake down.
I think, too, how many people love Harry and consider him a hero, while others hate him and plot his destruction, all because of a scar he didn't ask for and loathes with all his heart. He never wanted to be anything other than a normal human being. This prison will scar me, too, and I can already see the signs of being shown immense love from some, and bitter hatred from others because of it. I asked for it no more than Harry did his scar.
It is the unknown we fear when we look upon death and darkness.
I see a faint movement in an open tub of dates before me. I squint in the dim light: a worm. A tiny worm wriggling comically in half a date. I grab an empty jar from beside me, drop the date into it and close the lid. I watch the worm shuffle out of the date and extend itself along the bottom of the jar. The tiny creature surprises me by embarking on rapid laps of the jar. Round and round it goes, not stopping once. It reminds me of the thoughts going round and round in my head.
I point the wand at it. "Engorgio!" the growing charm. It ignores me and continues its energetic circuits of the jar.
I feel a strange camaraderie watching the worm in the dark like this. Darkness is meant to be frightening, but these days I rarely feel at ease other than in the dark.
I remember Dumbledore's words. "It is the unknown we fear when we look upon death and darkness, nothing more." Perhaps that's why I fear the future.
I decide to name the worm Hedwig, after Harry's owl. I give up trying to enlarge it with the wand. It doesn't look like there's any room for magic in this wretched place. I sing to Hedwig instead.
Watching the scene from above, I see a young man with wild hair sitting cross-legged on a wet floor, in darkness save for the dim glow of a light somewhere. He clutches a magic wand as if it's his only hope. He sings, while next to him on the floor a worm shuffles in endless circles, searching for meaning inside her jar, just as he too searches for meaning.
Another saying of Dumbledore's comes to mind: "Happiness can be found, even in the darkest of times, if one only remembers to turn on the light."
I turn to Hedwig with a smile.
"Lumos," I whisper.
*Abdelrahman al-Gendy, 22, was arrested in Ramses Square, Cairo with his father in October 2013, a few months after President Mohamed Morsi was ousted. They were both charged — along with more than 60 others — of murder, attempted murder, vandalism, possession of weapons and disturbing the public peace, and sentenced to 15 years in prison, five years of probation and a 950-euro fine by the Cairo Criminal Court on Sept. 30, 2014. In March 2016, their final appeal was rejected by the Court of Cassation. Gendy's father was released by presidential pardon last year, but his son remains in prison.
Gendy had won a scholarship to study engineering at the German University in Cairo and was not yet 18 years old at the time of his arrest. He lost his place at the university as a result of his imprisonment, and is currently enrolled at Ain Shams University, studying from Tora Prison.
Keep up with the world. Break out of the bubble.
Sign up to our expressly international daily newsletter!
The Saudis may be awaiting the outcome of Iran's nuclear talks with the West, to see whether Tehran will moderate its regional policies, or lash out like never before.
October 21, 2021
LONDON — The Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Saeed Khatibzadeh said earlier this month that Iranian and Saudi negotiators had so far had four rounds of "continuous" talks, though both sides had agreed to keep them private. The talks are to ease fraught relations between Iran's radical Shia regime and the Saudi kingdom, a key Western ally in the Middle East.
Iran's Foreign Minister Hossein Amirabdollahian has said that the talks were going in the right direction, while an Iranian trade official was recently hopeful these might even allow trade opportunities for Iranian businessmen in Saudi Arabia. As the broadcaster France 24 observed separately, it will take more than positive signals to heal a five-year-rift and decades of mutual suspicions.
Agence France-Presse news agency, meanwhile, has cited an unnamed French diplomat as saying that Saudi Arabia wants to end its costly discord with Tehran. The sides may already have agreed to reopen consular offices. For Saudi Arabia, the costs include its war on Iran-backed Houthis rebels fighting an UN-recognized government in next-door Yemen.
The role of the nuclear pact
Bilateral relations were severed in January 2016, after regime militiamen stormed the Saudi embassy in Tehran. Amirabdollahian was then the deputy foreign minister for Arab affairs. In 2019, he told the website Iranian Diplomacy that Saudi Arabia had taken measures vis-a-vis Iran's nuclear pact with the world powers.
It's unlikely Ali Khamenei will tolerate the Saudi kingdom's rising power in the region.
He said "the Saudis' insane conduct toward [the pact] led them to conclude that they must prevent [its implementation] in a peaceful environment ... I think the Saudis are quite deluded, and their delusion consists in thinking that Trump is an opportunity for them to place themselves on the path of conflict with the Islamic Republic while relying on Trump." He meant the administration led by the U.S. President Donald J.Trump, which was hostile to Iran's regime. This, he said, "is not how we view Saudi Arabia. I think Yemen should have been a big lesson for the Saudis."
The minister was effectively admitting the Houthis were the Islamic Republic's tool for getting back at Saudi Arabia.
Yet in the past two years, both sides have taken steps to improve relations, without firm results as yet. Nor is the situation likely to change this time.
Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei in 2020commons.wikimedia.org
Riyadh's warming relations with Israel
Iran's former ambassador in Lebanon, Ahmad Dastmalchian, told the ILNA news agency in Tehran that Saudi Arabia is doing Israel's bidding in the region, and has "entrusted its national security, and life and death to Tel Aviv." Riyadh, he said, had been financing a good many "security and political projects in the region," or acting as a "logistical supplier."
The United States, said Dastmalchian, has "in turn tried to provide intelligence and security backing, while Israel has simply followed its own interests in all this."
Furthermore, it seems unlikely Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei will tolerate, even in this weak period of his leadership, the kingdom's rising power in the region and beyond, and especially its financial clout. He is usually disparaging when he speaks of Riyadh's princely rulers. In 2017, he compared them to "dairy cows," saying, "the idiots think that by giving money and aid, they can attract the goodwill of Islam's enemies."
Iranian regime officials are hopeful of moving toward better diplomatic ties and a reopening of embassies. Yet the balance of power between the sides began to change in Riyadh's favor years ago. For the kingdom's power has shifted from relying mostly on arms, to economic and political clout. The countries might have had peaceful relations before in considerably quieter, and more equitable, conditions than today's acute clash of interests.
If nuclear talks break down, Iran's regime may become more aggressive.
Beyond this, the Abraham Accord or reconciliation of Arab states and Israel has been possible thanks to the green light that the Saudis gave their regional partners, and it is a considerable political and ideological defeat for the Islamic Republic.
Assuming all Houthis follow Tehran's instructions — and they may not — improved ties may curb attacks on Saudi interests and aid its economy. Tehran will also benefit from no longer having to support them. Unlike Iran's regime, the Saudis are not pressed for cash or resources and could even offer the Houthis a better deal. Presently, they may consider it more convenient to keep the softer approach toward Tehran.
For if nuclear talks with the West break down, Iran's regime may become more aggressive, and as experience has shown, tensions often prompt a renewal of missile or drone attacks on the Saudis, on tankers and on foreign shipping. Riyadh must have a way of keeping the Tehran regime quiet, in a distinctly unquiet time.
From Your Site Articles
- Arab-Israeli Rapprochement: Is Saudi Arabia Next? - Worldcrunch ›
- Why Iran Is Actively Backing The Taliban For The First Time ... ›
- Iran-Azerbaijan Tensions: How Khamenei Overplayed Islamic Ties ... ›
Related Articles Around the Web
Kayhan is a Persian-language, London-based spinoff of the conservative daily of the same name headquartered in Tehran. It was founded in 1984 by Mostafa Mesbahzadeh, the owner of the Iranian paper. Unlike its Tehran sister paper, considered "the most conservative Iranian newspaper," the London-based version is mostly run by exiled journalists and is very critical of the Iranian regime.
Keep up with the world. Break out of the bubble.
Sign up to our expressly international daily newsletter!