When the world gets closer.

We help you see farther.

Sign up to our expressly international daily newsletter.

Already a subscriber? Log in.

You've reach your limit of free articles.

Get unlimited access to Worldcrunch

You can cancel anytime.

SUBSCRIBERS BENEFITS

Ad-free experience NEW

Exclusive international news coverage

Access to Worldcrunch archives

Monthly Access

30-day free trial, then $2.90 per month.

Annual Access BEST VALUE

$19.90 per year, save $14.90 compared to monthly billing.save $14.90.

Subscribe to Worldcrunch
Geopolitics

Will Tunisia’s Economy Survive The Revolution?

The Ben Ali family had its tentacles in every corner of Tunisian business life. A look at the economic fallout from the North African nation's ongoing political and social upheaval


After the downfall of the Ben Ali clan, and the end of its vice-like grip on the Tunisian economy, the country faces a number of challenges such as tackling youth unemployment and how to manage the territory.

Tunisia will have to be rebuilt "literally and figuratively", says U.N. official Karima Bounemra Ben Soltane, referring to the looting in recent days linked to the riots. But Tunisia "will not collapse economically" because the family of deposed President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali has left the country, says Ben Soltane, director of the North Africa office of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (ECA).

Whole sectors of the economy, from airlines and banks to car dealerships and hotels, were in the hands of the Ben Ali clan, or more precisely, the former President's wife, Leila Trabelsi, says Catherine Graciet, a journalist and author of La régente de Carthage (The Regent of Carthage) (Editions La Découverte). The departure of the Trabelsi family raises "uncertainty over the future of the companies controlled by the clan."

"The oligarchy was involved in everything from small restaurants to major banks' agrees Karim Bitar, a researcher at the Institute for International Relations and Strategic Studies (IRIS), a French think tank. "Everything was controlled by a small group which took the gains and failed to redistribute them beyond a few coastal areas."

Béatrice Hibou, a researcher at the Centre for Studies in International Relations (CERI) at Paris' Sciences Po University, puts the corruption into perspective. The clan intervened mainly by "siphoning off revenue or taking commission," she says. "Let's not exaggerate the importance of these networks. Rather than disrupting the economy, the fall of the Trabelsi could on the contrary revitalize business because their corruption will be eliminated," says Hibou. This view is shared by Bounemra Ben Soltane, who also sees the fall as an opportunity for a "breath of fresh air."

The other challenges facing the economy include unemployment. Of the 140,000 people who enter the job market each year, 70,000 are university graduates. The economy creates on average 40,000 to 45,000 jobs annually, mostly in the textile industry and call centers, activities ill-suited to an educated population. The unemployment rate currently stands at 32 percent of the population. More than 70 percent of the unemployed are under the age of 30.

The underside of the "Tunisian economic miracle"

"The hidden side of the Tunisian miracle was ignored," notes Bitar. "Tunisia built its success on economic sectors that did not require skilled labor such as tourism and agriculture." It was difficult, in these conditions, to satisfy young graduates.

With Tunisia's policy of devoting nearly eight percent of GDP to education, Ben Ali's regime dug its own grave, creating thousands of young, unemployed graduates mired in frustration. These graduates rushed into the informal economy to survive, which now represents 38 to 50 percent of GDP in Tunisia.

"The model of the Tunisian miracle worked mostly in the 1980s," says Hibou. "It continued into the 1990s, but without modification. The model of the 1970-80s is still in place, with the textile industry continuing to provide the majority of the jobs."

To appease the population, consumer credit was introduced -- perhaps too much. "There was a lot of abuse in relation to the loans granted," says Bounemra Ben Soltane. The message was: ""consume and shut up! " Graciet calls it: "Impoverishment of the middle class through debt."

Another challenge is facing the reality that the heartland of the country was not living under the same conditions as the middle class in the capital, Tunis. The riots began in the southwestern mining region of Gasfa in 2008 and the provincial city of Sidi Bouzid in 2010. "Tunisia was successful, but the country failed to deal with strong undercurrents," concludes Bitar.

Read the original article in French

You've reached your limit of free articles.

To read the full story, start your free trial today.

Get unlimited access. Cancel anytime.

Exclusive coverage from the world's top sources, in English for the first time.

Insights from the widest range of perspectives, languages and countries.

Geopolitics

Why The Latin American Far Left Can't Stop Cozying Up To Iran's Regime

Among the Islamic Republic of Iran's very few diplomatic friends are too many from Latin America's left, who are always happy to milk their cash-rich allies for all they are worth.

Image of Bolivia's ambassador in Tehran, Romina Pérez Ramos.

Bolivia's ambassador in Tehran, Romina Pérez Ramos.

Bolivia's embassy in Tehran/Facebook
Bahram Farrokhi

-OpEd-

The Latin American Left has an incurable anti-Yankee fever. It is a sickness seen in the baffling support given by the socialist regimes of Cuba, Nicaragua, Venezuela or Bolivia to the Islamic Republic of Iran, which to many exemplifies clerical fascism. And all for a single, crass reason: together they hate the United States.

The Islamic Republic has so many of the traits the Left used to hate and fight in the 20th century: a religious (Islamic) vocation, medieval obscurantism, misogyny... Its kleptocratic economy has turned bog-standard class divisions into chasmic inequalities reminiscent of colonial times.

This support is, of course, cynical and in line with the mandates of realpolitik. The regional master in this regard is communist Cuba, which has peddled its anti-imperialist discourse for 60 years, even as it awaits another chance at détente with its ever wealthy neighbor.

I reflected on this on the back of recent remarks by Bolivia's ambassador in Tehran, the 64-year-old Romina Pérez Ramos. She must be the busiest diplomat in Tehran right now, and not a day goes by without her going, appearing or speaking somewhere, with all the publicity she can expect from the regime's media.

Keep reading...Show less

You've reached your limit of free articles.

To read the full story, start your free trial today.

Get unlimited access. Cancel anytime.

Exclusive coverage from the world's top sources, in English for the first time.

Insights from the widest range of perspectives, languages and countries.

Already a subscriber? Log in.

You've reach your limit of free articles.

Get unlimited access to Worldcrunch

You can cancel anytime.

SUBSCRIBERS BENEFITS

Ad-free experience NEW

Exclusive international news coverage

Access to Worldcrunch archives

Monthly Access

30-day free trial, then $2.90 per month.

Annual Access BEST VALUE

$19.90 per year, save $14.90 compared to monthly billing.save $14.90.

Subscribe to Worldcrunch

The latest