July 01, 2015
ATHENS â€" It was about 1 a.m. on Saturday June 27 when Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras spoke into a television camera, using a tone that was neither threatening nor indignant. The man who has exasperated European leaders for five months calmly delivered a shockwave that reverberated across the continent: the bailout plan imposed by the country's creditors would be put to a national referendum before the Greek people.
Tsiprasâ€™ stand is a final act of defiance pitting Greek democracy against the so-called "troika" â€" the European Central Bank (ECB), the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the European Commission â€" which has forced Greece into years of grinding austerity. Itâ€™s an ultimatum that has left Greeks desperately roaming the streets in search of any bank still open to empty their bank accounts and hold onto their livelihoods.
Shortly before the announcement, Tsipras convened his government to inform them of his decision. "It was a joyous occasion," recalls Georgios Katrougalos, the Minister of Administrative Reform. "We unanimously agreed that the creditors were mocking us with their last proposal. We needed to reestablish control of the situation."
The disparate factions of Syriza, Tsiprasâ€™ left-wing party, were relieved to have rediscovered unity after weeks of tense disagreement, especially for many who believed Tsipras had been making too many concessions to Brussels.
A novice in government, Tsipras spent long weeks in search of a compromise he was convinced he could ultimately reach. "Heâ€™s a good guy who had to deal with the monsters of politics, and he certainly underestimated their power," says Stelios Kouloglou, a member of the European Parliament for Syriza. "Heâ€™s an unrepentant Che Guevara." After all, his sonâ€™s middle name is Ernesto (Guevara's birth name).
Alexis Tsipras always took his role seriously, well aware of the heavy burden he carried on his shoulders. The weight of a nation suffering from five years of crisis that elected him to end austerity but keep the euro; the weight of a party rife with internal debates and contradictions that has struggled to adapt to government and looked to him for leadership; and the weight of his dream of transforming a European Union that still treated him with suspicion. Three personalities struggle to cohabit inside the prime ministerâ€™s head: Tsipras the pragmatist, Tsipras the hero and Tsipras the activist.
Tsipras last year in Germany. Photo: Die Linke
For the past five months the Greek leader has struggled with his "inner troika." It was Tsipras the pragmatist who, with a heavy heart, sent a proposal to Brussels on June 22 extending austerity measures in exchange for a bailout. "It was a difficult moment for him because he had to break some campaign promises, but at the time he thought it was a compromise he could justify with his party and the Greek people," says a government source.
Tsipras the activist fought against a party base that rebuked his efforts, resigning himself to measures deemed far too drastic by the far-left wing of his party. But despite his concessions, IMF chief Christine Lagarde returned the Greek proposal covered in red ink indicating further cuts and changes, making it clear that the European leadership would never consider forgiving Greeceâ€™s debt.
Standing up to Brussels
After reading the counter-proposal, Tsipras felt betrayed and humiliated. He immediately called a meeting with his closest collaborators: his right-hand man Nikos Pappas, Deputy Prime Minister Yannis Dragasakis, Finance Minister Yanis Varoufakis and chief economics spokesman Euclid Tsakalotos. On Thursday June 25 during a European Council meeting, Tsipras phoned Greek President Prokopis Pavlopoulos to explore the possibility of a referendum. The next day, after a marathon government session, he called German Chancellor Angela Merkel and French President François Hollande to inform them of his dramatic decision.
Tsipras reassumed his mantle as the savior of European democracy to call upon his compatriots to reject the "intransigence" of Brussels. "The Greek people will say no to the ultimatum but a resounding yes to the Europe of solidarity," he said in a speech to the Greek Parliament the night of the referendum announcement.
While supporting Greece staying in the eurozone, Tsipras was never one to stray from his leftist beliefs. "Many in Brussels believed he would eventually moderate his views and move to the center-left, but he has convictions, he grew up politically in Syriza," says Athanasios Petrakos, Syrizaâ€™s parliamentary spokesman. "He wonâ€™t take the risk of dividing his party."
After six months of careful negotiations between Brussels and Athens, Tsipras chose to defy Europe and stand with his turbulent political party instead, setting the stage for a final confrontation. Some say he is fighting to bring democracy back to European politics, others contend he is dragging Greece into default and disaster.
Jan. 25, 2015 now seems like an eternity ago. Itâ€™s been just five months since the 40-year-old euphorically took to the stage at the University of Athens to proclaim his electoral victory, depicting himself as "the new face of Europe."
"He was happy and proud, he brought the radical left to power," remembers Kouloglou.
Tsiprasâ€™ victory in Athens continued his rise as a political star across the continent, a process that began in the May 2014 European elections when he was the Party of the European Leftâ€™s candidate for president of the European Commission. Attending rallies from Paris to Madrid and even Sicily, he was greeted as a rock star even as he took on the weight of expectations.
"Heâ€™s become grayer. He took his role too seriously and overestimated our momentum, weâ€™re still isolated in Europe," says Loukas Axelos, a member of Syrizaâ€™s far-left wing who has known Tsipras for years. The leftâ€™s electoral successes led him to believe that Syrizaâ€™s rise to power could be a spearhead for similar parties to rise across the continent.
Scenes of celebration in Athens brought chills to ruling right-leaning parties in Europe. Tsiprasâ€™ victory was regarded as a catastrophe by the governments in Germany, Spain and Portugal; and the rise of the anti-austerity left also set off alarm bells for the social democrats in power in France and Italy.
Tsipras at the 2013 "Subversive Festival" in Croatia. Photo: Matthew Tsimitak
The post-election mood was less warlike in Brussels, where no one in the Commission panicked despite Tsiprasâ€™ assertion that the new government would put an end to five years of austerity measures imposed by the troika. The creditors believed that Tsipras would eventually come to terms with reality, regardless of his brash finance minister Varoufakisâ€™ claims that Athens didnâ€™t need any European money. Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker was joined by leaders in Paris and Rome in offering a positive take on the Greek election: perhaps this young, radical leader would finally have the courage to implement the reforms that his corrupt socialist and center-right predecessors didnâ€™t.
For the love of Angela
Tsipras directed particularly harsh words at Germany and Chancellor Merkel during the election campaign. "She is just another one of 28 European heads of government, there is no need to refer to her as the informal head of the EU," he said. "She wants to colonize southern Europe and continue a policy thatâ€™s causing a social Holocaust." A debate raged in Athens over whether Germany should pay reparations for Nazi war crimes, a proposal much mocked in the German press.
But on March 23, Tsipras and Merkel met for six hours, and the two leaders finely combed over every minute detail of Greeceâ€™s budget. After distancing herself from the Greek negotiations in February, the Chancellor ordered her finance minister Wolfgang Schäuble to take a step back and allow her to personally oversee the talks. Appreciating his German counterpartâ€™s move, Tsipras stepped up his long phone calls to Merkel and Hollande. Merkel expressed that her priority was to help, impressing the Greek leader with her extensive understanding of Greeceâ€™s economic difficulties.
But at the same time, Tsiprasâ€™ exchanged a flurry of tweets and messages with Russian President Vladimir Putin. Since the January election Putin has sought to strengthen ties with the new Greek government, and the two first phoned each other just two weeks later on February 5.
Their first meeting began on April 8 in Moscow, a day after Tsipras spoke out against European sanctions on Russia, calling them "senseless." The warm greetings and Twitter exchanges continued, and soon the two met again for the second time in three months. In the midst of tense negotiations with Brussels, Tsipras traveled to St. Petersburg for an economic forum and a private 40-minute meeting with the Russian leader.
Putin made it clear that Moscow needs Greece to remain in the EU as a strong ally that can weigh in on decisions within the organization, not as a bankrupt country outside the union, especially since relations with Russia have soured due to the annexation of Crimea and the war in eastern Ukraine. He also opened the possibility of removing the embargo on Greek agricultural products and investing in Greek businesses.
Tsipras meets with Putin and Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov. Photo: Kremlin
"They want to invest in the port of Thessaloniki, the Greek railways and the national nickel company," says an anonymous Greek source. The Russian navy is also searching for another naval base in the Mediterranean since the Syrian armyâ€™s recent defeats have put the security of the strategic port of Tartus in doubt. But despite the close collaboration, Russia is not willing to alleviate Greeceâ€™s debt. Reeling from a fall in oil prices and the pressure of international sanctions, Moscow doesnâ€™t have the means to come to Athensâ€™ aid.
EU chief Jean-Claude Juncker embraced Tsipras at his first summit in Brussels in early February just days after his victorious election, welcoming him into the circle of European leaders. Along with French President Hollande, Juncker sought to be a mediator between Tsipras and the more hardline negotiators, spending hours on phone calls and one-on-one diplomacy to forge a closer relationship with the Greek leader.
After Varoufakisâ€™ alienation of his European finance counterparts with his condescending economics lessons, Juncker attempted to teach Tsipras the practice of maneuvering through European institutions. But as trust eroded and tensions rose, the creditorsâ€™ decision to extend aid through to June 30 without an overall agreement proved that the divisions remained too stark to reach a final accord on reforms.
On June 2, Juncker delivered the creditorsâ€™ latest proposal to Tsipras for a series of reforms in exchange for 7.2 billion euros in assistance. "It came as a huge shock. The text included pension cuts, unsustainable hikes in the value added tax, and didnâ€™t mention any of our proposals," says a source involved in the negotiations.
After an evening meeting in Brussels that ran late into the night, European leaders were confident Tsipras had agreed to the principle of making the reforms, after Juncker had worked tirelessly to convince the IMF to moderate its requests. But in a speech the next day on June 5, Tsipras rebuked his colleagues and spoke of a "bad moment for Europe."
So the endless rounds of discussions started again, with trust between the parties at historic lows. "Despite the disappointment, Alexis got back to work and negotiated the agreement point by point to find a new compromise. But after that last proposal his trust in his partners collapsed, especially in Juncker who had presented himself as a friend but completely betrayed him," says a member of Tsiprasâ€™ negotiating team.
The referendum announcement reinforced the convictions of those in Brussels who insisted for months that it would be almost impossible to deal with the Tsipras government.
"When a leader is against the wall, he has to go for all or nothing," says psychoanalyst Stelios Stylianidis. Both cornered and certain of being right, Greece and Europe alike are tempted to do just that.
*Le Monde correspondents Cécile Ducourtieux, Adéa Guillot, Frédéric Lemaître and Isabelle Mandraud contributed to this report.
This leading French daily newspaper Le Monde ("The World") was founded in December 1944 in the aftermath of World War II. Today, it is distributed in 120 countries. In late 2010, a trio formed by Pierre Berge, Xavier Niel and Matthieu Pigasse took a controlling 64.5% stake in the newspaper.
Keep up with the world. Break out of the bubble.
Sign up to our expressly international daily newsletter!
Once meant to protect the royal family, the century-old law has become a tool for the military-led government in Bangkok to stamp out all dissent. A new report outlines the abuses.
Laura Valentina Cortés Sierra
October 22, 2021
"We need to reform the institution of the monarchy in Thailand. It is the root of the problem." Those words, from Thai student activist Juthatip Sirikan, are a clear expression of the growing youth-led movement that is challenging the legitimacy of the government and demanding deep political changes in the Southeast Asian nation. Yet those very same words could also send Sirikan to jail.
Thailand's Criminal Code 'Lèse-Majesté' Article 112 imposes jail terms for defaming, insulting, or threatening the monarchy, with sentences of three to 15 years. This law has been present in Thai politics since 1908, though applied sparingly, only when direct verbal or written attacks against members of the royal family.
But after the May 2014 military coup d'état, Thailand experienced the first wave of lèse-majesté arrests, prosecutions, and detentions of at least 127 individuals arrested in a much wider interpretation of the law.
The recent report 'Second Wave: The Return of Lèse-Majesté in Thailand', documents how the Thai government has "used and abused Article 112 of the Criminal Code to target pro-democracy activists and protesters in relation to their online political expression and participation in peaceful pro-democracy demonstrations."
Criticism of any 'royal project'
The investigation shows 124 individuals, including at least eight minors, have been charged with lèse-majesté between November 2020 and August 2021. Nineteen of them served jail time. The new wave of charges is cited as a response to the rising pro-democracy protests across Thailand over the past year.
Juthatip Sirikan explains that the law is now being applied in such a broad way that people are not allowed to question government budgets and expenditure if they have any relationship with the royal family, which stifles criticism of the most basic government decision-making since there are an estimated 5,000 ongoing "royal" projects. "Article 112 of lèse-majesté could be the key (factor) in Thailand's political problems" the young activist argues.
In 2020 the Move Forward opposition party questioned royal spending paid by government departments, including nearly 3 billion baht (89,874,174 USD) from the Defense Ministry and Thai police for royal security, and 7 billion baht budgeted for royal development projects, as well as 38 planes and helicopters for the monarchy. Previously, on June 16, 2018, it was revealed that Thailand's Crown Property Bureau transferred its entire portfolio to the new King Maha Vajiralongkorn.
Protestors In Bangkok Call For Political Prisoner Release
Freedom of speech at stake
"Article 112 shuts down all freedom of speech in this country", says Sirikan. "Even the political parties fear to touch the subject, so it blocks most things. This country cannot move anywhere if we still have this law."
The student activist herself was charged with lèse-majesté in September 2020, after simply citing a list of public documents that refer to royal family expenditure. Sirikan comes from a family that has faced the consequences of decades of political repression. Her grandfather, Tiang Sirikhan was a journalist and politician who openly protested against Thailand's involvement in World War II. He was accused of being a Communist and abducted in 1952. According to Sirikhan's family, he was killed by the state.
The new report was conducted by The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), Thai Lawyer for Human Rights (TLHR), and Internet Law Reform Dialogue (iLaw). It accuses Thai authorities of an increasingly broad interpretation of Article 112, to the point of "absurdity," including charges against people for criticizing the government's COVID-19 vaccine management, wearing crop tops, insulting the previous monarch, or quoting a United Nations statement about Article 112.
Juthatip Sirikan speaks in front of democracy monument.
Shift to social media
While in the past the Article was only used against people who spoke about the royals, it's now being used as an alibi for more general political repression — which has also spurred more open campaigning to abolish it. Sirikan recounts recent cases of police charging people for spreading paint near the picture of the king during a protest, or even just for having a picture of the king as phone wallpaper.
The more than a century-old law is now largely playing out online, where much of today's protest takes place in Thailand. Sirikan says people are willing to go further on social media to expose information such as how the king intervenes in politics and the monarchy's accumulation of wealth, information the mainstream media rarely reports on them.
Not surprisingly, however, social media is heavily monitored and the military is involved in Intelligence operations and cyber attacks against human rights defenders and critics of any kind. In October 2020, Twitter took down 926 accounts, linked to the army and the government, which promoted themselves and attacked political opposition, and this June, Google removed two Maps with pictures, names, and addresses, of more than 400 people who were accused of insulting the Thai monarchy. "They are trying to control the internet as well," Sirikan says. "They are trying to censor every content that they find a threat".
From Your Site Articles
- Long Shielded, Thailand's Monarchy Facing Hard Questions Amid ... ›
- French Monarchist Lessons For A Broken American Democracy ... ›
- Thailand To Belarus: The Divides Of Democracy Protesters ... ›
Related Articles Around the Web
Keep up with the world. Break out of the bubble.
Sign up to our expressly international daily newsletter!