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LA STAMPA

Wanted: How Bin Laden's Demise Resembles A Sicilian Mafia Manhunt

With Osama bin Laden and Mafiosi, similar patterns emerge when ultra-infamous criminals are forced into hiding.

Top Sicilian Mafia boss Toto Riina was capture in 1993 after a decade-long manhunt (Sarah Murray)
Top Sicilian Mafia boss Toto Riina was capture in 1993 after a decade-long manhunt (Sarah Murray)
Francesco La Licata

The Tora Bora mountains, Osama bin Laden's long-time presumed hideout, have little in common with the hills near Corleone, Sicily; and the highway leading out of Abbottabad, where the world's most wanted man was found and killed, is not exactly the vegetable-lined stretch of road around Palermo; and the exploits of the Mafia's now imprisoned top bosses, Salvatore Riina and Bernardo Provenzano, pale in comparison with Osama bin Laden, his spectacular demise and the location that served as a backdrop for the triumph of the U.S. Navy SEALS.

So why is it that, for some of us, the details emerging about bin Laden's death inevitably harken to recent Mafia manhunts?

It may be that years of dealing with the Mafia will do that to your mind, or maybe that, at the end of the day, all stories of criminals in hiding look similar, regardless of whether the fugitives are international terrorists or local mobsters.

Are the crowds at Ground Zero rejoicing that "justice has been done" so different from the people who gathered outside police headquarters in Palermo to celebrate the 2006 arrest of boss of bosses Provenzano, and the other killers of heroic anti-Mafia prosecutors? Even the sense of pride expressed by our police investigators sounds much the statements made by U.S. law enforcement officials.

Many analysts have expressed surprise at the fact that bin Laden had been hiding in a compound just a stone's throw from an important Pakistani military base, only protected by a tall wall and barbed wire. Many noted that there was no phone or Internet connection inside the compound, which confounds the common idea of sophisticated communications' systems, satellite phones and so on.

While everyone thought bin Laden was hiding in Tora Bora, there he was, just a few miles away from Islamabad, from the center of security and intelligence services that had been looking for him since 1995, well before 9/11. Just like most of the Mafiosis, who were captured in their own homes: Riina lived in a quiet middle-class building in Palermo, Provenzano hadn't left his home village.

Bin Laden and mobsters also avoided telephones? Provenzano would only communicate via "pizzini" – scraps of papers on which he wrote his orders. A slow but safe method of communication: they were only given to his most trusted aides.

Just like the messenger who unknowingly led the American "frogmen" right to the Abbottabad compound – showing that classic, old-fashioned tailing can sometimes work as efficiently as a high-tech investigation.

Even bin Laden's presence in such an exposed location falls within the same logic employed by the Mafiosi: There are some things that a No. 1 boss cannot delegate but must do himself to impose his charisma – be it meeting with terror cells in Afghanistan or Pakistan, defining a strategy vis a vis the Arab uprisings, or agreeing to a suspicious meeting with other clans if necessary.

Details that have emerged about the long hunt for bin Laden suggest further links with the pursuit of the Mafia. Take for example, the US informant, perhaps attracted by the generous bounty on bin Laden, who was found beheaded with a sign reading: "This is what happens to traitors." This primitive system of internal communication is typical of Mafia groups, when a murder is used as a deterrent, a warning toward those considering betrayal.

And fnally, there is the inevitable question that follows the announcement of the death of any larger-than-life mobster or terrorist – is he really dead? We've seen that one before, too. Indeed, just a few weeks ago, Italian authorities exhumed the body of Salvatore Giuliano, the Sicilian gangster who was killed under mysterious circumstances in 1950. Some will always believe it was a look-alike.

Read the original article in Italian

photo - Sarah Murray

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Economy

Lex Tusk? How Poland’s Controversial "Russian Influence" Law Will Subvert Democracy

The new “lex Tusk” includes language about companies and their management. But is this likely to be a fair investigation into breaking sanctions on Russia, or a political witch-hunt in the business sphere?

Photo of President of the Republic of Poland Andrzej Duda

Polish President Andrzej Duda

Piotr Miaczynski, Leszek Kostrzewski

-Analysis-

WARSAW — Poland’s new Commission for investigating Russian influence, which President Andrzej Duda signed into law on Monday, will be able to summon representatives of any company for inquiry. It has sparked a major controversy in Polish politics, as political opponents of the government warn that the Commission has been given near absolute power to investigate and punish any citizen, business or organization.

And opposition politicians are expected to be high on the list of would-be suspects, starting with Donald Tusk, who is challenging the ruling PiS government to return to the presidency next fall. For that reason, it has been sardonically dubbed: Lex Tusk.

University of Warsaw law professor Michal Romanowski notes that the interests of any firm can be considered favorable to Russia. “These are instruments which the likes of Putin and Orban would not be ashamed of," Romanowski said.

The law on the Commission for examining Russian influences has "atomic" prerogatives sewn into it. Nine members of the Commission with the rank of secretary of state will be able to summon virtually anyone, with the powers of severe punishment.

Under the new law, these Commissioners will become arbiters of nearly absolute power, and will be able to use the resources of nearly any organ of the state, including the secret services, in order to demand access to every available document. They will be able to prosecute people for acts which were not prohibited at the time they were committed.

Their prerogatives are broader than that of the President or the Prime Minister, wider than those of any court. And there is virtually no oversight over their actions.

Nobody can feel safe. This includes companies, their management, lawyers, journalists, and trade unionists.

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