January 13, 2012
MOSCOW - Whoever the presidential candidate may be, their pre-election manifesto will be picked apart for its promises on social policy -- and voters are bound to be annoyed or inspired in equal measures. The pre-election pledges of Vladimir Putin, however, manage to do neither.
A politician may stumble badly, get into situations that can destroy the reputation of any businessman or ordinary citizen, become enmeshed in corruption scandals involving hundreds of millions of dollars; and yet the political candidate, in contrast to mere mortals, will always be able to start a speech in the style of Martin Luther King, recounting their "dreams' for a better future.
Political action, carried out in the present, is always looking forward, and most people are prepared to believe the politician, who is a reliable lender of last resort. The dream of Vladimir Putin relies on re-evaluating all his achievements and discounting all his mistakes. The ideas are more important than the politician; and on Putin's website www.putin2012.ru, we could see for ourselves his six-point plan.
The outline of Putin's program, if voiced by another candidate would have sounded much more convincing. Context matters, and the promise of ensuring the "stability" of the pension system masks the fact that the support it provides to the needy is woefully inadequate.
Also if there are question marks over the ruling power's authority, any opposition candidate can theoretically claim legitimacy in the future, while the serving prime minister is under question.
The draft program of Putin can be criticized from any number of positions. It is undoubtedly a weak document. One of the first shortcomings is the unacceptably high use of impersonal, vague terms like "it is essential", "one needs to", or "it will" along with an acute shortage of concrete statements
Also, the document is not subject to any serious economic criticism -- it is simply impossible to figure out what Putin's future political and economic course will be. It promises a "balanced budget" by 2014, even though in 2011, there was a budget surplus.
Teflon-like, dangerously vague
The economy, he says, will be sluggish, but "towards the middle of the decade it is essential to reach a balanced budget." So he utilizes words like "essential", "towards the middle", "reach". Even the cautious ex-finance minister Alexei Kudrin would consider such vagueness dangerous. There is nothing to get your teeth into, it is like Teflon and so nothing sticks.
He says: "Over the last 20 years, 25 million well-paying jobs were created". But there are now 2.5 million unemployed in Russia. The program is written for the years 2012-2018, so this will happen in six years. Why so long and why so slow?
"Funds will be set up for municipal development for the construction of kindergartens with the support of the federal budget." If this is his educational dream, it is a dream only available for a few thousand city administration workers.
"In the regions of Russia, a housing program for public sector employees will be set up," Putin says. Not bad. But Mikhail Gorbachev's promise of each family having their own apartment by 2000 sounded a lot more specific and attractive.
On the armed forces: "Particular attention will be paid to providing protection for army staff on the battlefield and in peacetime." For an officer and a soldier, the idea of being just as protected in peacetime, is insulting.
And so is there nothing of value here? Not quite. There are two other ideas that can formally satisfy the criteria of a good pre-election campaign, and which would significantly improve the lives of most of the electorate.
"We plan to provide universal medical examinations' and "the installation of traffic signs will be put under public control."
Perhaps Putin really is dreaming of something like that for Russia by 2018. But it seems that 143 million other citizens deserve a dream of something much more interesting and ambitious.
Read the original article in Russian
Photo - Adam Baker
Kommersant ("The Businessman") was founded in 1989 as the first business newspaper in the Russia. Originally a weekly, Kommersant is now a daily newspaper with strong political and business coverage. It has been owned since 2006 by Alisher Usmanov, the director of a subsidiary of Gazprom.
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Local villagers in western India have been forced to live with a mining waste site on the edge of town. What happens when you wake up one day and the giant mound of industrial waste has imploded?
October 16, 2021
BADI — Last week, when the men and women from the Bharwad community in this small village in western India stepped out for their daily work to herd livestock, they were greeted with a strange sight.
The 20-meter-high small hill that had formed at the open-cast mining dumpsite had suddenly sunk. Unsure of the reason behind the sudden caving-in, they immediately informed other villagers. In no time, word had traveled far, even drawing the attention of environment specialists and activists from outside town.
This mining dumpsite situated less than 500 meters outside of the Badi village in the coastal state of Gujarat has been a matter of serious concern ever since the Gujarat Power Corporation Limited began lignite mining work here in early 2017. The power plant is run by the Power Gujarat State Electricity Corporation Limited, which was previously known as the Bhavnagar Energy Company Ltd.
Vasudev Gohil, a 43-year-old resident of Badi village says that though the dumping site is technically situated outside the village, locals must pass the area on a daily basis.
"We are constantly on tenterhooks and looking for danger signs," he says. Indeed, their state of alert is how the sudden change in the shape of the dumpsite was noticed in the first place.
Can you trust environmental officials?
For someone visiting the place for the first time, the changes may not stand out. "But we have lived all our lives here, we know every little detail of this village. And when a 150-meter-long stretch cave-in by over 25-30 feet, the change can't be overlooked," Gohil adds.
This is not the first time that the dumpsite has worried local residents. Last November, a large part of the flattened part of the dumpsite had developed deep cracks and several flat areas had suddenly got elevated. While the officials had attributed this significant elevation to the high pressure of water in the upper strata of soil in the region, environment experts had pointed to seismic activities. The change is evident even today, nearly a year since it happened.
It could have sunk because of the rain.
After the recent incident, when the villagers raised an alarm and sent a written complaint to the regional Gujarat Pollution Control Board, an official visit to the site was arranged, along with the district administration and the mining department.
The regional pollution board officer Bhavnagar, A.G. Oza, insists the changes "aren't worrisome" and attributes it to the weather.
"The area received heavy rain this time. It is possible that the soil could have sunk in because of the rain," he tells The Wire. The Board, he says, along with the mining department, is now trying to assess if the caving-in had any impact on the ground surface.
"We visited the site as soon as a complaint was made. Samples have already been sent to the laboratory and we will have a clear idea only once the reports are made available," Oza adds.
Women from the Surkha village have to travel several kilometers to find potable water
A questionable claim
That the dumpsite had sunk in was noticeable for at least three days between October 1 and 3, but Rohit Prajapati of an environmental watchdog group Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti, noted that it was not the first time.
"This is the third time in four years that something so strange is happening. It is a disaster in the making and the authorities ought to examine the root cause of the problem," Prajapati says, adding that the department has repeatedly failed to properly address the issue.
He also contests the GPCB's claim that excess rain could lead to something so drastic. "Then why was similar impact not seen on other dumping sites in the region? One cannot arrive at conclusions for geological changes without a deeper study of them," he says. "It can have deadly implications."
Living in pollution
The villagers have also accused the GPCB of overlooking their complaint of water pollution which has rendered a large part of the land, most importantly, the gauchar or grazing land, useless.
"In the absence of a wall or a barrier, the pollutant has freely mixed with the water bodies here and has slowly started polluting both our soil and water," complains 23- year-old Nikul Kantharia.
He says ever since the mining project took off in the region, he, like most other villagers has been forced to take his livestock farther away to graze. "Nothing grows on the grazing land anymore and the grass closer to the dumpsite makes our cattle ill," Kantharia claims.
The mining work should have been stopped long ago
Prajapati and Bharat Jambucha, a well-known environmental activist and proponent of organic farming from the region, both point to blatant violations of environmental laws in the execution of mining work, with at least 12 violations cited by local officials. "But nothing happened after that. Mining work has continued without any hassles," Jambucha says. Among some glaring violations include the absence of a boundary wall around the dumping site and proper disposal of mining effluents.
The mining work has also continued without a most basic requirement – effluent treatment plant and sewage treatment plant at the mining site, Prajapati points out. "The mining work should have been stopped long ago. And the company should have been levied a heavy fine. But no such thing happened," he adds.
In some villages, the groundwater level has depleted over the past few years and villagers attribute it to the mining project. Women from Surkha village travel several kilometers outside for potable water. "This is new. Until five years ago, we had some water in the village and did not have to lug water every day," says Shilaben Kantharia.
The mine has affected the landscape around the villages
Resisting lignite mining
The lignite mining project has a long history of resistance. Agricultural land, along with grazing land were acquired from the cluster of 12 adjoining villages in the coastal Ghogha taluka between 1994 and 1997. The locals estimate that villagers here lost anything between 40-100% of their land to the project. "We were paid a standard Rs 40,000 per bigha," Narendra, a local photographer, says.
The money, Narendra says, felt decent in 1994 but for those who had been dependent on this land, the years to come proved very challenging. "Several villagers have now taken a small patch of land in the neighboring villages on lease and are cultivating cotton and groundnut there," Narendra says.
They were dependent on others' land for work.
Bharat Jambucha says things get further complicated for the communities which were historically landless. "Most families belonging to the Dalit or other marginalized populations in the region never owned any land. They were dependent on others' land for work. Once villagers lost their land to the project, the landless were pushed out of the village," he adds. His organization, Prakrutik Kheti Juth, has been at the forefront, fighting for the rights of the villages affected in the lignite mining project.
In 2017, when the mining project finally took off, villagers from across 12 villages protested. The demonstration was disrupted after police used force and beat many protesters. More than 350 of them were booked for rioting.
The villagers, however, did not give up. Protests and hunger strikes have continued from time to time. A few villagers even sent a letter to the President of India threatening that they would commit suicide if the government did not return their land.
"We let them have our land for over 20 years," says Gohil.
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