The Christians Of Syria: A Minority's Dilemma Amidst The Arab Spring

Torn between their hunger for freedom and fear of radical Islam, Syria’s ancient minority Christians do not know whether to support the protesters or Bashar al-Assad’s regime.

Passion Sunday at the Chaldean Parish in Bab Tuma, Damascus
Passion Sunday at the Chaldean Parish in Bab Tuma, Damascus
Georges Malbrunot

DAMASCUS - "What does the future hold for us, Christians," Randa Khoury wonders aloud. For the last 6 months, she's been glued to her television, flipping through channels trying to follow the news about a revolution she both supports, yet fears its eventual consequences. Randa, her husband Rami and their 3 children live in Qossour, a neighborhood facing the ancient grey walls of Bab Tuma, the Christian quarter of old Damascus.

Every night, boys and girls fill the streets, holding hands. Skirts are short and cafés crowded, including the locale belonging to the son of a former head of intelligence services. But all café owners make sure Al Jazeera, the Qatari channel vigorously opposed to al-Assad's regime, is not turned on. In Qossour, like everywhere else in Damacsus, the ears of power are never far. "All the fruit and vegetable sellers you see along our street are secret police agents," says Rami Khoury.

After six months of rebellion against President Assad and a crackdown that the UN says has caused more than 2,200 deaths, life in Qossour appears to be back to normal. "The first months, past 7 p.m., the streets were empty," remembers Rami. "No one wanted to believe protests broke in Syria. It was just impossible." Though the streets are filled again, he says "the country is still paralyzed."

When the revolt started, the Khourys were undecided about whether to support it, figuring the ironclad regime would quickly tame the protesters. They now clearly support the opposition, differently than the majority of the two million Christians who strongly support Assads' secular power that they see as a bulwark against Islamism and the potential for religious conflicts like those that followed Saddam Hussein's fall in Iraq in 2003. What they fear the most, it seems, is the void that would be left by the fall of a regime that has held everything in place in Syria for the past 40 years.

Because the crisis continues, and so much blood has already been spilled, Rami Khoury is still worried. He fears the country will be divided in three: the Druze in the south, the Alawis – the minority which the Assads are from - in the North and Christians, who would remain a minority with the Sunnis. "Since there are Christians scattered everywhere, we would be isolated," Khoury says. "Imagine my village in the south is under Druze authority, how will I get my lands back? The USSR and Iraq, have been carved up, why wouldn't it also happen in Syria?"

The exodus of hundred thousands Iraqi Christians after Saddam Hussein's fall and the religious war which tore their neighbours apart, haunt the Christians from Syria, whose origins there date back to the time of the apostles.

Despite the fact that one of the pillars of the revolution undermining the Assad clan is actually the refusal of religious divisions, the recent display of Islamist slogans worries many Christians. Najib, a teacher, says Salafists are not yet active elements of the revolt, "but some of them are clandestine." The Muslim Brotherhood don't currently have leaders in Syria, he explains, "but still have sympathizers."

Sitting in his scented patio in Bab Tuma, Youssef declares that no one in the neighborhood fears Muslims. "I'm 84. Before the Ba'ath (the political movement mixing nationalists and socialists to call for a united Arab World that included the Assad family), Syria had Muslim prime ministers and relations were very good between Muslims and Christians."

Still, the 8% of the Syrian population that is Christian has much to lose if Assad is overthrown. Fiercely secular – even though for 10 years his government has been flattering Muslims – Assad and his entourage loathe Christians, along with Islamist fundamentalists. Still Christians can freely practice their faith, and are well represented in the regime's hierarchy (the new Defence Minister is one).

Today however, the community is split over the conspicuous support of the regime by some prominent Christian figures, like Georges Chaoui, a member of a well-established Damascus family of manufacturers, who proudly became head of a digital army in charge of intercepting messages from protesters on the Internet.

A loyalist bishop

The pro-Assad calls from the Greek Orthodox Church also bother more than one Christian. Monsignor Louqa al-Khoury, bishop of Marth Mariam Church, does not mind being seen as a regime henchman. He says protesters asking for freedom are "criminals who kill policemen."

"Their protests are funded by people outside of Syria," al-Khoury says. "Protesting just isn't part of Syrian culture. Only a few Christians are actually taking to the streets. Ninety-nine percent of them are supporting Assad's regime."

Fearing the consequences of such provocations, Christian intellectuals wrote an open letter to call on the clergy not to speak publicly on behalf of the whole community. "You have to understand that our clergy are on good terms with the Mukhabarat (intelligence services) because it has a strong hold on them. The regime knows about the depravity of some of our prelates," says one Christian analyst in Damascus, explaining that there is always a pro-Assad passage in the priest's Sunday homily.

Like in Saddam Hussein's Iraq, the Christian hierarchy in Syria has seen the dictatorship as the only defense against Islamism. But an Alawi pro-democracy protester calls it regime propaganda, insisting that Islam in Syria is conservative but not extremist. "I'm telling all my Christian friends not to be afraid of Syrian Islam…and don't miss the revolution train!"

Randa Khoury also believes it's time for a change, making herself a minority within her Christian minority. "Tomorrow's Syria won't be like today's. People's voices have been freed. The wall of fear has collapsed. Winning over our freedom is a risk worth taking."

Read the original article in French

Photo - michael_swan

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How Thailand's Lèse-Majesté Law Is Used To Stifle All Protest

Once meant to protect the royal family, the century-old law has become a tool for the military-led government in Bangkok to stamp out all dissent. A new report outlines the abuses.

Pro-Democracy protest at The Criminal Court in Bangkok, Thailand

Laura Valentina Cortés Sierra

"We need to reform the institution of the monarchy in Thailand. It is the root of the problem." Those words, from Thai student activist Juthatip Sirikan, are a clear expression of the growing youth-led movement that is challenging the legitimacy of the government and demanding deep political changes in the Southeast Asian nation. Yet those very same words could also send Sirikan to jail.

Thailand's Criminal Code 'Lèse-Majesté' Article 112 imposes jail terms for defaming, insulting, or threatening the monarchy, with sentences of three to 15 years. This law has been present in Thai politics since 1908, though applied sparingly, only when direct verbal or written attacks against members of the royal family.

But after the May 2014 military coup d'état, Thailand experienced the first wave of lèse-majesté arrests, prosecutions, and detentions of at least 127 individuals arrested in a much wider interpretation of the law.

The recent report 'Second Wave: The Return of Lèse-Majesté in Thailand', documents how the Thai government has "used and abused Article 112 of the Criminal Code to target pro-democracy activists and protesters in relation to their online political expression and participation in peaceful pro-democracy demonstrations."

Criticism of any 'royal project'

The investigation shows 124 individuals, including at least eight minors, have been charged with lèse-majesté between November 2020 and August 2021. Nineteen of them served jail time. The new wave of charges is cited as a response to the rising pro-democracy protests across Thailand over the past year.

Juthatip Sirikan explains that the law is now being applied in such a broad way that people are not allowed to question government budgets and expenditure if they have any relationship with the royal family, which stifles criticism of the most basic government decision-making since there are an estimated 5,000 ongoing "royal" projects. "Article 112 of lèse-majesté could be the key (factor) in Thailand's political problems" the young activist argues.

In 2020 the Move Forward opposition party questioned royal spending paid by government departments, including nearly 3 billion baht (89,874,174 USD) from the Defense Ministry and Thai police for royal security, and 7 billion baht budgeted for royal development projects, as well as 38 planes and helicopters for the monarchy. Previously, on June 16, 2018, it was revealed that Thailand's Crown Property Bureau transferred its entire portfolio to the new King Maha Vajiralongkorn.

photo of graffiti of 112 crossed out on sidewalk

Protestors In Bangkok Call For Political Prisoner Release

Peerapon Boonyakiat/SOPA Images via ZUMA Wire

Freedom of speech at stake

"Article 112 shuts down all freedom of speech in this country", says Sirikan. "Even the political parties fear to touch the subject, so it blocks most things. This country cannot move anywhere if we still have this law."

The student activist herself was charged with lèse-majesté in September 2020, after simply citing a list of public documents that refer to royal family expenditure. Sirikan comes from a family that has faced the consequences of decades of political repression. Her grandfather, Tiang Sirikhan was a journalist and politician who openly protested against Thailand's involvement in World War II. He was accused of being a Communist and abducted in 1952. According to Sirikhan's family, he was killed by the state.

The new report was conducted by The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), Thai Lawyer for Human Rights (TLHR), and Internet Law Reform Dialogue (iLaw). It accuses Thai authorities of an increasingly broad interpretation of Article 112, to the point of "absurdity," including charges against people for criticizing the government's COVID-19 vaccine management, wearing crop tops, insulting the previous monarch, or quoting a United Nations statement about Article 112.

Juthatip Sirikan speaks in front of democracy monument.

Shift to social media

While in the past the Article was only used against people who spoke about the royals, it's now being used as an alibi for more general political repression — which has also spurred more open campaigning to abolish it. Sirikan recounts recent cases of police charging people for spreading paint near the picture of the king during a protest, or even just for having a picture of the king as phone wallpaper.

The more than a century-old law is now largely playing out online, where much of today's protest takes place in Thailand. Sirikan says people are willing to go further on social media to expose information such as how the king intervenes in politics and the monarchy's accumulation of wealth, information the mainstream media rarely reports on them.

Not surprisingly, however, social media is heavily monitored and the military is involved in Intelligence operations and cyber attacks against human rights defenders and critics of any kind. In October 2020, Twitter took down 926 accounts, linked to the army and the government, which promoted themselves and attacked political opposition, and this June, Google removed two Maps with pictures, names, and addresses, of more than 400 people who were accused of insulting the Thai monarchy. "They are trying to control the internet as well," Sirikan says. "They are trying to censor every content that they find a threat".

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