When the world gets closer.

We help you see farther.

Sign up to our expressly international daily newsletter.


War Reporter's Diary: My Young German Eyes Opened In Ukraine

As a war reporter, Ibrahim Naber has seen unimaginable suffering. But he has also seen the Ukrainians’ unbroken will to resist. He reflects after more than three months since the Russian invasion – and explains how his generation's illusion of peace has been shattered.

Reporter Ibrahim Naber in Ukraine

Reporter Ibrahim Naber is covering the war in Ukraine for German daily Die Welt.

Ibrahim Naber

On day 94 of this war, a young man with short-cropped hair whom I barely recognize appears on my cell phone via video call. Igor Sirosh, 32, lies in a striped T-shirt on the bed of a military hospital in western Ukraine. He looks pale, his voice weak. He says in brittle German that he is suffering from “a stomach ulcer” after a Russian missile attack and that he also has “minor psychological problems.” Igor, I realize only with this phone call, is now a soldier.

Stay up-to-date with the latest on the Russia-Ukraine war, with our exclusive international coverage.

Sign up to our free daily newsletter.

At the beginning of the year, this young Ukrainian had been nursing sick people in Magdeburg, a city in central Germany. At the end of February, not even a week after the Russian invasion began, we met at the Polish-Ukrainian border. The man from Ivano-Frankivsk in western Ukraine was standing at the Przemyśl train station, the first stop for tens of thousands fleeing the Russian bombs, and at the same time the last stop for intrepid people like him who set out to fight Putin.

“I’m going home to join the army,” he said at the time, which sounded funny, given that he looked more like a student traveling the world with a backpack and a hoodie. Seeing him now in a hospital bed frightened me.

Failure of grand ambitions

Russia has been waging a war of aggression in Ukraine for over 100 days, and I've spent more than half of that time on the ground as a reporter. We traveled through a proud country, united and death-defying, fighting for its own existence – and successfully so. The most important insight is that Russia’s President Vladimir Putin has so far failed in his grand ambitions.

Not only did he lose the battle for Kyiv, but tens of thousands of soldiers were killed or wounded. In addition, according to U.S. figures, he's lost about 1,000 tanks alone. Putin’s dream of a new Russian empire currently seems more like a joke. At the same time, Russian troops have displaced millions of people and bombed entire cities like Mariupol to rubble. They rape and murder, commit massacres like the one in Bucha. About one-fifth of Ukrainian territory is currently under Russian occupation.

For me personally, this war, the first I've experienced as an observer on the ground, has changed many things. For one, it has finally shattered the illusion of my generation that security is none of our business in this country. We have to radically change our way of thinking. On the other hand, on some days I experienced for the first time that Germans abroad can be met with ridicule and bitterness.

Will and defiance

In early March, six-year-old Misha sat on the stage of a converted theater in Lviv, in western Ukraine, and told me how the war came to his hometown of Kyiv. “I remember waking up on the first day and hearing an explosion near us. It was probably in Zhuliany [a neighborhood in Kyiv].”

Even if there will be a nuclear war, I will stay here.

Again and again, they ran from their home to the bunker, Misha said. With his mother and his little sister Masha, who was prancing around next to him, they had now come here “to hide from the bombs,” he said.

In western Ukraine in those days, hundreds of thousands of refugees arrived from all over the country, many of them families moving on to Europe. Misha’s mother said at the time that they had acquaintances in Poland. At the beginning of this war, Lviv was not only a place of refuge, but also a center of resistance. Grandmothers, students and workers sat in a converted art gallery in the city center, volunteering to make camouflage nets for the military.

In the morning before going on duty, they sang the national anthem, shoulder to shoulder. I was impressed by their will and defiance: “I will never leave Lviv. Even if there will be a nuclear war, I will stay here,” said 64-year-old Nena Syniakevych.

A person stands amid destruction in Mykolaiv, southern Ukraine.

Ibrahim Naber has thorougly reported on the destruction in Mykolaiv, southern Ukraine.

Ibrahim Naber

Protective helmets — but no weapons

All over the country, Ukrainians armed themselves in the first weeks before the war. I particularly remember the image of young men in Stryi, western Ukraine, crawling across a soccer field at lunchtime with wooden training weapons. Beginners received basic military training. Among them were electricians and hip-hop dancers. I noticed anger building up in those early days about the federal government’s behavior.

President Volodymyr Zelensky had said days before the war began that the country would defend itself with or without Western support. “It doesn’t matter if they supply us with hundreds of modern weapons or just 5,000 helmets.” This was a veiled criticism of German Defense Minister Christine Lambrecht’s announcement at the time that protective helmets would be sent to Ukraine – but no weapons.

Germany’s hesitation became a running gag. When we were filming with Ukrainian soldiers at a secret military site in mid-March, one of them was grinning at the campfire and pointing to open cans of food with German labels. After all, the Maggi canned ravioli and lentil stew had gone down well. The commander showed us pictures of a sniper rifle on his cell phone: “Those would help us more than a few cans of ravioli,” he said.

​The war in my ears

In mid-March, I was awakened for the first time in my life by an explosion in western Ukraine, a deep, menacing rumble. The impacts sounded a little further away. It was the morning Russian missiles struck the Ukrainian military base at Yavoriv near the Polish border, killing at least 35 people.

When I traveled back to Berlin for a few days’ break in early April, I was startled at night every time a trash can slammed shut. It’s hearing that forces the war back into your head.

I’m 30. My generation grew up with the supposed certainty that our security was being defended somewhere in Afghanistan. For a long time, my peers' bigger problems consisted of a chat partner who didn't text back on Tinder. In the summer, we went to the Mediterranean and toasted to ourselves and to life. When I talk to friends about the war in Ukraine, I continue to perceive naiveté in some.

They think 100 billion for the Bundeswehr (the German armed forces) is too much. They demand that the money be better spent on education and climate protection. In short, they have understood nothing. For me, it’s clear that we need to rearm massively, even beyond the new 100 billion package.

We must be able to defend ourselves independently. No one should have to justify being part of the Bundeswehr anymore. We need a new self-image.

I understood her anger

Bashtanka is a place that shows more than almost any other what Putin’s invasion is doing. The small town lies on the drive from the south to the east of the country and is considered strategically important. Russian forces tried to advance here at the beginning of the war, but the attack was repelled. Since then, several missiles have hit the city — striking the poorest of the poor.

“Der Montagmorgen in #Stryj, im Westen der #Ukraine. Einwohner, darunter Mechaniker & Hip-Hop-Tänzer, erhalten auf einem Fußballplatz militärisches Training @welt”

On the frontlines

I remember Ira, who's 30 and pregnant with her seventh child. In purple slippers, she stood in front of the rubble of her neighborhood on the outskirts of Bashtanka. She heard five explosions when the rockets hit. They were lucky: only their windows were destroyed. There was no money to repair them. Putting the children to bed has become difficult, Ira said, “because they are so scared.”

There is one scene in southeastern Ukraine, captured on camera, that I will never forget. In Orikhiv near the front, where artillery fire is the sound of everyday life, I met an elderly couple in a settlement. For 20 years, they had lived in the grey high-rise building that we met in front of.

The wife, Ala, burst into tears when I addressed her in my school Russian. “I am Ukrainian! I won’t want to speak the language of the aggressor anymore, the language of the people who are killing us,” she cried out to me.

I understood her anger when she told me that they were just the last remaining of their apartment block to leave the city. They lived here day and night with the constant shelling, hiding in the basement. They just couldn’t stand it anymore. Shelves in the supermarket were already empty in the town.

Days after this encounter, we met soldiers in the frontline region who showed us their base, surrounded by fields and meadows. One young soldier, Alex, presented me with a guest gift: a pack of airsoft coffee with an AK-47 pictured on it.

Germany losing money, Ukraine losing lives

In early May, the first evacuees from the Russian-encircled steel plant in Mariupol arrived outside a hardware store in Zaporizhzhia in southeastern Ukraine. Some burst into tears right away, others were simply exhausted. They had just gone through weeks of struggling to survive.

The war is now leading to Germany losing money “while we are losing lives.”

Next to us were not only dozens of reporters from all over the world, but also Ukrainian Deputy Prime Minister Iryna Vereshchuk. We spoke to her about Chancellor Olaf Scholz, who had just ruled out a trip to Kyiv and sulkily referred to Ukraine’s dealings with German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier.

Vereshchuk was furious. The Ukrainian government had always warned that Putin would “manipulate” Germany. The German government had ignored this. The war is now leading to Germany losing money “while we are losing lives.”

That’s why Ukraine has the right to be “emotional now”: “And we have the right to demand more – more weapons, diplomacy, economic sanctions, and a full embargo on Russian gas and oil.” I could only nod in silence.

You've reached your monthly limit of free articles.
To read the full article, please subscribe.
Get unlimited access. Support Worldcrunch's unique mission:
  • Exclusive coverage from the world's top sources, in English for the first time.
  • Stories from the best international journalists.
  • Insights from the widest range of perspectives, languages and countries
Already a subscriber? Log in

When the world gets closer, we help you see farther

Sign up to our expressly international daily newsletter!

Inside Putin's Deal For Iranian Drones

Outgunned by Ukraine's Turkish-made Bayraktar drones, Russia has reportedly started importing armed drones from Iran, which may have explained Vladimir Putin's recent visit to Tehran, which is looking to flex its muscles internationally. But it could prove to be a dangerous turning point in the war.

At an underground drone base, in an unknown location in Iran

Christine Kensche

The satellite images show a hangar. The rough outlines of two geometric shapes are visible — a triangle and an elongated object with wide wings. According to intelligence information from the United States, this is the Kashan airfield south of Tehran, where Iran is training its regional militias.

Stay up-to-date with the latest on the Russia-Ukraine war, with our exclusive international coverage.

The geometric objects are drones: the Shahed-191 and the Shahed-129, both considered capable of carrying weapons. Their name translates to martyr. According to U.S. information, the picture also shows a transport vehicle for visitors from Russia. If what the White House recently said is true, the "martyr" drones could soon be circling Ukraine, controlled remotely by Russian soldiers.

Tehran's drone army

According to national security adviser Jake Sullivan, Iran wants to deliver "several hundred" drones to Russia and train Russian soldiers on the devices. Training may have already begun, Sullivan said. In June, Russian delegations traveled to the Iranian airfield twice. Russian President Vladimir Putin was in Tehran in person on Tuesday.

It's a turning point for Iran as an international arms dealer.

"This is a significant turning point for Iran as an international arms dealer," says Israeli drone expert Seth Frantzman, who has published a book on the subject (Drone Wars). So far, outside the circle of its allies in the region, Tehran has only sold its technology to Venezuela and built a drone factory in Tajikistan. "The deal with the world power Russia finally makes Iran an international player in the drone business, with its influence reaching as far as Europe."

In terms of technology and trade, the world's drone powers are the U.S., Israel, China and, by some margin, Turkey. Indeed, the Turkish-designed Bayraktar drones are deployed by Ukraine against Russia, which initially gave Kyiv important strategic successes.

There are two key reasons why Russia is now apparently buying from Iran: its own drones cannot keep up. And Iran's drones are technically less sophisticated than those of Western competitors. But they do the job – and are quicker and cheaper to make. Even Iran's nemesis Israel recognizes the powerful potential of Tehran's drone army.

"Iran has massively upgraded its drone program in recent years," says Frantzman. The Shiite regime introduces new types of drones almost every week. According to information from the Israeli army, Iran has a complete production chain, from missiles to navigation systems. The parts are often copied — for example, from U.S. drones that Iran shot down in the past. It now has a variety of different series and types — from unarmed reconnaissance devices to combat drones and those called kamikaze drones (small unmanned aerial vehicles with explosive charges that ram their target). The damage Iranian technology can do has been demonstrated by the regime's devastating attacks in recent years.

Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei receiving Russian President Vladimir Putin in the presence of his Iranian counterpart Ebrahim Raisi (right) in Tehran

Iranian Supreme Leader's Office/ZUMA

Attacks by Iranian drones

Iran's arsenal of remotely piloted aircraft stretches from Lebanon, Syria and Iraq to the Gulf and Yemen. The technology is used by Iranian allies — by Hezbollah and Hamas against Israel, by Yemen's Huthis against Saudi Arabia, by Shiite militias against the U.S. Army. Or, indeed, by Iran itself.

The "Pearl Harbor" of the drone war happened three years ago: Iran used drones and rockets to attack the Abqaiq refinery of the world's largest oil company Aramco in Saudi Arabia. The Saudi air defenses were powerless. The attack shut down Saudi Arabia's oil exports for several months. Global oil production collapsed by six percent.

Iranian drones were used in the last Gaza war.

Since then, Iran has systematically relied on weapons. Drones are said to be responsible for at least five attacks on U.S. bases in Syria and Iraq in May and June last year. Iranian drone technology also played a role in the last Gaza war. Hamas not only fired 4,000 rockets at Israel last May. It also deployed a new explosive-laden drone.

Last year, Iranian drone attacks claimed human lives for the first time: Kamikaze drones attacked the Mercer Street oil tanker in the Strait of Hormuz, one of the world's most strategically important choke points between the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman. Two crew members died, including the captain. Then, in the spring, drones attacked tankers and Abu Dhabi airport. Three people lost their lives. The Houthi rebels in Yemen, who are supplied with weapons and technology by Iran, said they were responsible for the attack on the U.A.E.

A military unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV or drone) launched from an Iranian navy vessel in the Indian ocean

Iranian Army Office/ZUMA

No war is won by drones alone

There is no precise information on exactly which drones Russia could acquire. The types shown by the U.S. on the satellite images are among Iran's most important reconnaissance and combat drones. The Shahed-129 is the country's oldest combat drone. It can stay in the air for up to 24 hours and can be armed with eight guided missiles. Also known as the Saegheh (Thunderbolt), the Shahed-191 is a combat drone whose specialty is great mobility. It can be mounted on the back of a truck and launched while the vehicle is in motion.

Kamikaze drones are easier and cheaper to produce.

This combat drone, which can be equipped with two remote-controlled anti-tank missiles, is therefore extremely flexible. However, it is doubtful that Iran can actually deliver hundreds of these types in a hurry. A deal with Russia is therefore likely to include kamikaze drones, which are easier and cheaper to produce.

If Russia were to use Iranian drones in the near future, it would not be a turning point in the Ukraine war, says expert Frantzman: "You don't win a war with drones." However, Russia could use them to damage Ukraine's strategic infrastructure comparatively cheaply, without having to put expensive war equipment at risk.

And another target could become the focus of Iranian drones — Western war equipment, such as the HIMARS multiple rocket launchers, which the U.S. supplied to Ukraine and which play a central role in defense against Russia.

Keep reading...Show less

When the world gets closer, we help you see farther

Sign up to our expressly international daily newsletter!
You've reached your monthly limit of free articles.
To read the full article, please subscribe.
Get unlimited access. Support Worldcrunch's unique mission:
  • Exclusive coverage from the world's top sources, in English for the first time.
  • Stories from the best international journalists.
  • Insights from the widest range of perspectives, languages and countries
Already a subscriber? Log in

Central to the tragic absurdity of this war is the question of language. Vladimir Putin has repeated that protecting ethnic Russians and the Russian-speaking populations of Ukraine was a driving motivation for his invasion.

Yet one month on, a quick look at the map shows that many of the worst-hit cities are those where Russian is the predominant language: Kharkiv, Odesa, Kherson.

Watch VideoShow less