Power And Words - 10 Quotes From Italian Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti

Italy's seven-time prime minister, known as one of the most powerful and intriguing post-War politicians, died Monday at 94.



ROME- Seven-time Italian Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti died Monday at the age of 94. His political career spanned, and at times dominated, Italian post-War history. He was elected in 1946 to Italy's provisional parliament, in charge of writing the new Italian constitution, and in 1991 he was made a senator-for-life, reports La Stampa, totaling some 60 years in government.

Andreotti, writes La Repubblica, had lived through two world wars, seven popes, the end of the Italian monarchy, fascism, the so-called First and Second Republics of Italy, not to mention six mafia trials that saw him mostly, but not completely, cleared of the accusations.

His admirers called him “Divo Giulio” -- a play on his name with Divus Iulius, used for Julius Caesar -- while critics called him Beelzebub for what they considered his infernal tendencies.

There will be no State funeral, nor lying in State, for the longtime politician, according to Corriere della Sera.

Well-known though not always well-liked for his political acumen and ability to obtain and maintain power, Andreotti also possessed a singularly subtle wit. Here are 10 of his most memorable quotes:

"Apart from the Punic Wars, I've been held responsible for just about everything."


“Clericalism: the habitual confusion between that which is of Caesar, and that of God.”

Photo by PD-Italy

“Green Party (members) are like watermelons: green on the outside but red on the inside.”


“If I had been born in a refugee camp in Lebanon, maybe I would also be a terrorist.”


“The malice of the good is very dangerous.”


“Power wears out those who don’t have it”

Andreotti (L) with Richard Nixon and Frank Sinatra. Photo by Kightlinger, Jack E.


“It’s not enough to be right: you need to also have someone who says that you are.”


l-r: Andreotti, Takeo Fukado, Jimmy Carter, Helmut Schmidt, and Valéry Giscard d'Estaing in 1978. Photo by White House.


“In politics, sunny days and rainy days can change very quickly.”

“I love Germany so much that I preferred when there were two.”


“Never leave traces.”

L'Espresso cover from November 1992, alluding to Andreotti's alleged ties with the mafia.

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What It Means When The Jews Of Germany No Longer Feel Safe

A neo-Nazi has been buried in the former grave of a Jewish musicologist Max Friedlaender – not an oversight, but a deliberate provocation. This is just one more example of antisemitism on the rise in Germany, and society's inability to respond.

At a protest against antisemitism in Berlin

Eva Marie Kogel


BERLIN — If you want to check the state of your society, there's a simple test: as the U.S. High Commissioner for Germany, John Jay McCloy, said in 1949, the touchstone for a democracy is the well-being of Jews. This litmus test is still relevant today. And it seems Germany would not pass.

Incidents are piling up. Most recently, groups of neo-Nazis from across the country traveled to a church near Berlin for the funeral of a well-known far-right figure. He was buried in the former grave of Jewish musicologist Max Friedlaender, a gravesite chosen deliberately by the right-wing extremists.

The incident at the cemetery

They intentionally chose a Jewish grave as an act of provocation, trying to gain maximum publicity for this act of desecration. And the cemetery authorities at the graveyard in Stahnsdorf fell for it. The church issued an immediate apology, calling it a "terrible mistake" and saying they "must immediately see whether and what we can undo."

There are so many incidents that get little to no media attention.

It's unfathomable that this burial was allowed to take place at all, but now the cemetery authorities need to make a decision quickly about how to put things right. Otherwise, the grave may well become a pilgrimage site for Holocaust deniers and antisemites.

The incident has garnered attention in the international press and it will live long in the memory. Like the case of singer-songwriter Gil Ofarim, who recently claimed he was subjected to antisemitic abuse at a hotel in Leipzig. Details of the crime are still being investigated. But there are so many other incidents that get little to no media attention.

Photo of the grave of Jewish musicologist Max Friedlaender

The grave of Jewish musicologist Max Friedlaender

Jens Kalaene/dpa/ZUMA

Crimes against Jews are rising

Across all parts of society, antisemitism is on the rise. Until a few years ago, Jewish life was seen as an accepted part of German society. Since the attack on the synagogue in Halle in 2019, the picture has changed: it was a bitter reminder that right-wing terror against Jewish people has a long, unbroken history in Germany.

Stories have abounded about the coronavirus crisis being a Jewish conspiracy; meanwhile, Muslim antisemitism is becoming louder and more forceful. The anti-Israel boycott movement BDS rears its head in every debate on antisemitism, just as left-wing or post-colonial thinking are part of every discussion.

Jewish life needs to be allowed to step out of the shadows.

Since 2015, the number of antisemitic crimes recorded has risen by about a third, to 2,350. But victims only report around 20% of cases. Some choose not to because they've had bad experiences with the police, others because they're afraid of the perpetrators, and still others because they just want to put it behind them. Victims clearly hold out little hope of useful reaction from the state – so crimes go unreported.

And the reality of Jewish life in Germany is a dark one. Sociologists say that Jewish children are living out their "identity under siege." What impact does it have on them when they can only go to nursery under police protection? Or when they hear Holocaust jokes at school?

Germany needs to take its antisemitism seriously

This shows that the country of commemorative services and "stumbling blocks" placed in sidewalks as a memorial to victims of the Nazis has lost its moral compass. To make it point true north again, antisemitism needs to be documented from the perspective of those affected, making it visible to the non-Jewish population. And Jewish life needs to be allowed to step out of the shadows.

That is the first thing. The second is that we need to talk about specifically German forms of antisemitism. For example, the fact that in no other EU country are Jewish people so often confronted about the Israeli government's policies (according to a survey, 41% of German Jews have experienced this, while the EU average is 28%). Projecting the old antisemitism onto the state of Israel offers people a more comfortable target for their arguments.

Our society needs to have more conversations about antisemitism. The test of German democracy, as McCloy called it, starts with taking these concerns seriously and talking about them. We need to have these conversations because it affects all of us. It's about saving our democracy. Before it's too late.

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