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Maduro And Uribe, Latin America's Look-Alike Enemies

Colombia's former conservative president and Venezuela's socialist leader fight in public, but they love the same, bombastic style of politics. And both countries suffer for it.

Maduro And Uribe, Latin America's Look-Alike Enemies
Cecilia Orozco Tascón


BOGOTA — They may lambast each other at every opportunity, but what if Nicolás Maduro and Álvaro Uribe were actually kindred spirits? On one side, Venezuela's combative, at times comical, socialist President Maduro, and on the other, Colombia's arch-conservative former President and current Senator Uribe.

Already famed for his verbal spats with Maduro's predecessor Hugo Chávez, Uribe has become a bête noire for leftists across the continent. Yet the political nemeses are practically two sides of the same coin (though their supporters would hate to hear it) of that crass brand of populism, which we keep hoping is a thing of the past.

Their methods are similar, as is their conduct. With their irresponsible declarations, they spread hate and fan their partisans' most primitive feelings. Seen through their fanatical ideological prisms, their opponents become mortal enemies, dismissed in turn as paramilitaries or "terrorists."

The expulsion of thousands of Colombians from western Venezuela, seen recently wading across the river into Colombia like the refugees we see on the news, apparently so distant from us, is the work of a desperate and crazy leader trying to hold onto power in Venezuela. And it suits him just fine to receive an incendiary response from another crazy on this side, one desperate to recover the presidential "throne" he had to abandon and without which his life has no meaning.

It is no surprise that Maduro should invoke nationalism to throw out the poorest among his Colombian "brothers," when people in Venezuela are starting to go hungry and his government faces an unprecedented economic crisis. And more to the point, it all comes in the run-up to the December elections for the National Assembly, where independent polls are currently forecasting an opposition victory — if there is actually nationwide voting. Such a defeat could make life much more difficult for this rather uncharismatic successor to the late Bolivarian icon.

Finger pointing

No one is surprised either by Uribe breaking the tradition of Colombian leaders giving unconditional support to the sitting president, especially when Colombia is to hold municipal and regional elections in October. His Democratic Center party is not doing well, particularly in the country's bigger cities. In smaller districts, he has had to ally himself with people who are presumably his opponents, that is the parties backing the moderately conservative President Juan Manuel Santos. Yet he was swift to arrive these days in the frontier town of Cúcuta, with his shameless opportunism, to make political capital out of the human misery of the border dispute with Venezuela.

Maduro talks as if the cross-border problems (of trafficking and gang activity) began yesterday and were entirely the work of Colombians, and not a single Venezuelan: "We are discovering the frightening reality of how crime, the criminal economy and paramilitarism have settled" in the area, he declared.

Uribe responds in Cúcuta: "Just as (Cuba's) Castro used a thick wall to murder dissidents, the Venezuelan dictatorship is abolishing liberties to mistreat the democratic opposition."

Maduro calls Uribe a "cynic" and the "king of false positives" — a reference to the innocent people killed by Colombian troops and falsely identified as FARC guerrillas — and accuses him of involvement in unspecified "massacres in Colombia."

Uribe shoots back: "How much longer will the Venezuelan dictatorship last? What they have is the rule of the Castro-Chávez dictatorship mistreating and trampling on humble workers."

And on and on it goes ...

They say something good comes out of every misfortune. Perhaps the mirror-image of extremism of the Uribe-Maduro epoch is destined to give way to leadership of common sense on both sides of the border.

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Influencer Union? The Next Labor Rights Battle May Be For Social Media Creators

With the end of the Hollywood writers and actors strikes, the creator economy is the next frontier for organized labor.

​photograph of a smartphone on a selfie stick

Smartphone on a selfie stick

Steve Gale/Unsplash
David Craig and Stuart Cunningham

Hollywood writers and actors recently proved that they could go toe-to-toe with powerful media conglomerates. After going on strike in the summer of 2023, they secured better pay, more transparency from streaming services and safeguards from having their work exploited or replaced by artificial intelligence.

But the future of entertainment extends well beyond Hollywood. Social media creators – otherwise known as influencers, YouTubers, TikTokers, vloggers and live streamers – entertain and inform a vast portion of the planet.

✉️ You can receive our Bon Vivant selection of fresh reads on international culture, food & travel directly in your inbox. Subscribe here.

For the past decade, we’ve mapped the contours and dimensions of the global social media entertainment industry. Unlike their Hollywood counterparts, these creators struggle to be seen as entertainers worthy of basic labor protections.

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