Geopolitics

Kazakhstan: New Election Reforms Just 'Democratic Gloss'

Analysis: The big winner of last week's elections in Kazakhstan was never in doubt - the president’s party Nur Otan. But due to a recent change in the law, for the first time the parliament is required to have at least one other party represented

A poster of Kazakhstan President Nursultan Nazarbayev (Dustin Hammond)
A poster of Kazakhstan President Nursultan Nazarbayev (Dustin Hammond)
Elena Chernenko

Kazakh president Nursultan Nazarbayev has been in power since 1991. In fact, he is the only president the country has every known. Though genuinely well-liked by many in the country, some see him as a benevolent dictator, at best - and perhaps less benevolent since the crackdown on demonstrating miners in December.

But when Nazarbayev decided, in 2010 to revise the election laws to ensure that parliament always had at least two parties, many Western observers took it as a signal of increasing democracy. In the Mazhilis, the lower house of the Kazakh parliament, there had always been just one political force: Nur Otan, Nazarbayev's party, which won a record 88% of the vote in the 2007 elections.

Such a complete monopoly was a frequent source of criticism from the Kazakh opposition as well as the West. Nazarbayev changed the election laws to create a provision that in parliamentary elections the party with the second largest number of votes, regardless of whether or not they have achieved the threshold of 7% generally required for parliamentary representation, be installed in the parliament. This new rule was scheduled to be implemented for the first time in August, 2012, but in November early elections were called. Experts consider the early election an attempt to accelerate the reform process.

But after parliamentary elections last Sunday, the first since the change in Kazakhstan's electoral law, not everyone is convinced that a new, more democratic era is at hand.

There were seven parties that took part in Sunday's elections, and the participation, according to preliminary reports, was over 70%. According to a twitter post from the Kazakh foreign minister, Altai Abibullaev, even the seven Kazakh citizens rescued from the Costa Concordia cruise ship took part in the election.

Careful after Moscow protests

Though definitive results are still not in, reports from international observers were available Sunday - and no open violations were reported. As Ermuhkamet Yertyisbaev, one of the president's advisers, said: "After the demonstration on Bolotnaya Square in Moscow, Nursultan Nazarbayev gave everybody very strict directions not to interfere with the voting or the vote counting."

According to Yertyisbaev, the most likely runner-up in the parliamentary vote will be the business-friendly party Ak Jol. In the 2007 elections, the party clocked in with 3% of the vote, primarily from university professors and other intellectuals. But in June 2011, party leadership changed, with the new leader coming from the national Chamber of Commerce.

Ak Jol's rebranding, Yeryisbaev says, is worthwhile if the liberal party is prepared to work hand-in-hand with the ruling party. "We are interested in a worthy partner for Nur Otan, that will build its activities based on a constructive partnership and dialogue with the ruling party," he explained. "Building a parliament on irreconcilable positions is senseless - there won't be a constructive partnership, there will just be a debate club, that will be perfectly ineffective in all respects."

According to Yergisbaev, Kazakhstan needs a party to represent the interests of business leaders. "The appearance of an entrepreneurial class is one of the great achievements of the past 20 years of independence. But civil servants lord over them, even though business people are the key to the development of our country," Yergisbaev said.

Many experts already are referring to Ak Jol as the presidential party's little sister. "The ruling party would not have allowed a genuine opposition party into parliament," according to Kazakh political scientist Docim Satpaev. "Ak Jol is absolutely loyal to the president. It's like his second leg in parliament. The appearance of a new party in parliament gives the political system a democratic gloss."

According to Satpaev, in reality the ruling party's position has only become stronger. "We are talking about changes in form. But Nur Otan and Ak Jol are artificial parties. Real, honest parliamentary elections have yet to take place in Kazakhstan."

Read the original article in Russian

Photo - Dustin Hammond

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Green

Ecological Angst In India, A Mining Dumpsite As Neighbor

Local villagers in western India have been forced to live with a mining waste site on the edge of town. What happens when you wake up one day and the giant mound of industrial waste has imploded?

The mining dumpsite is situated just outside of the Badi village in the coastal state of Gujarat

Sukanya Shantha

BADI — Last week, when the men and women from the Bharwad community in this small village in western India stepped out for their daily work to herd livestock, they were greeted with a strange sight.

The 20-meter-high small hill that had formed at the open-cast mining dumpsite had suddenly sunk. Unsure of the reason behind the sudden caving-in, they immediately informed other villagers. In no time, word had traveled far, even drawing the attention of environment specialists and activists from outside town.

This mining dumpsite situated less than 500 meters outside of the Badi village in the coastal state of Gujarat has been a matter of serious concern ever since the Gujarat Power Corporation Limited began lignite mining work here in early 2017. The power plant is run by the Power Gujarat State Electricity Corporation Limited, which was previously known as the Bhavnagar Energy Company Ltd.

Vasudev Gohil, a 43-year-old resident of Badi village says that though the dumping site is technically situated outside the village, locals must pass the area on a daily basis.


"We are constantly on tenterhooks and looking for danger signs," he says. Indeed, their state of alert is how the sudden change in the shape of the dumpsite was noticed in the first place.

Can you trust environmental officials?

For someone visiting the place for the first time, the changes may not stand out. "But we have lived all our lives here, we know every little detail of this village. And when a 150-meter-long stretch cave-in by over 25-30 feet, the change can't be overlooked," Gohil adds.

This is not the first time that the dumpsite has worried local residents. Last November, a large part of the flattened part of the dumpsite had developed deep cracks and several flat areas had suddenly got elevated. While the officials had attributed this significant elevation to the high pressure of water in the upper strata of soil in the region, environment experts had pointed to seismic activities. The change is evident even today, nearly a year since it happened.

It could have sunk because of the rain.

After the recent incident, when the villagers raised an alarm and sent a written complaint to the regional Gujarat Pollution Control Board, an official visit to the site was arranged, along with the district administration and the mining department.

The regional pollution board officer Bhavnagar, A.G. Oza, insists the changes "aren't worrisome" and attributes it to the weather.

"The area received heavy rain this time. It is possible that the soil could have sunk in because of the rain," he tells The Wire. The Board, he says, along with the mining department, is now trying to assess if the caving-in had any impact on the ground surface.

"We visited the site as soon as a complaint was made. Samples have already been sent to the laboratory and we will have a clear idea only once the reports are made available," Oza adds.

Women from the Surkha village have to travel several kilometers to find potable water

Sukanya Shantha/The Wire

A questionable claim

That the dumpsite had sunk in was noticeable for at least three days between October 1 and 3, but Rohit Prajapati of an environmental watchdog group Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti, noted that it was not the first time.

"This is the third time in four years that something so strange is happening. It is a disaster in the making and the authorities ought to examine the root cause of the problem," Prajapati says, adding that the department has repeatedly failed to properly address the issue.

He also contests the GPCB's claim that excess rain could lead to something so drastic. "Then why was similar impact not seen on other dumping sites in the region? One cannot arrive at conclusions for geological changes without a deeper study of them," he says. "It can have deadly implications."

Living in pollution

The villagers have also accused the GPCB of overlooking their complaint of water pollution which has rendered a large part of the land, most importantly, the gauchar or grazing land, useless.

"In the absence of a wall or a barrier, the pollutant has freely mixed with the water bodies here and has slowly started polluting both our soil and water," complains 23- year-old Nikul Kantharia.

He says ever since the mining project took off in the region, he, like most other villagers has been forced to take his livestock farther away to graze. "Nothing grows on the grazing land anymore and the grass closer to the dumpsite makes our cattle ill," Kantharia claims.

The mining work should have been stopped long ago

Prajapati and Bharat Jambucha, a well-known environmental activist and proponent of organic farming from the region, both point to blatant violations of environmental laws in the execution of mining work, with at least 12 violations cited by local officials. "But nothing happened after that. Mining work has continued without any hassles," Jambucha says. Among some glaring violations include the absence of a boundary wall around the dumping site and proper disposal of mining effluents.

The mining work has also continued without a most basic requirement – effluent treatment plant and sewage treatment plant at the mining site, Prajapati points out. "The mining work should have been stopped long ago. And the company should have been levied a heavy fine. But no such thing happened," he adds.

In some villages, the groundwater level has depleted over the past few years and villagers attribute it to the mining project. Women from Surkha village travel several kilometers outside for potable water. "This is new. Until five years ago, we had some water in the village and did not have to lug water every day," says Shilaben Kantharia.

The mine has affected the landscape around the villages

Sukanya Shantha/The Wire

Resisting lignite mining

The lignite mining project has a long history of resistance. Agricultural land, along with grazing land were acquired from the cluster of 12 adjoining villages in the coastal Ghogha taluka between 1994 and 1997. The locals estimate that villagers here lost anything between 40-100% of their land to the project. "We were paid a standard Rs 40,000 per bigha," Narendra, a local photographer, says.

The money, Narendra says, felt decent in 1994 but for those who had been dependent on this land, the years to come proved very challenging. "Several villagers have now taken a small patch of land in the neighboring villages on lease and are cultivating cotton and groundnut there," Narendra says.

They were dependent on others' land for work.

Bharat Jambucha says things get further complicated for the communities which were historically landless. "Most families belonging to the Dalit or other marginalized populations in the region never owned any land. They were dependent on others' land for work. Once villagers lost their land to the project, the landless were pushed out of the village," he adds. His organization, Prakrutik Kheti Juth, has been at the forefront, fighting for the rights of the villages affected in the lignite mining project.

In 2017, when the mining project finally took off, villagers from across 12 villages protested. The demonstration was disrupted after police used force and beat many protesters. More than 350 of them were booked for rioting.

The villagers, however, did not give up. Protests and hunger strikes have continued from time to time. A few villagers even sent a letter to the President of India threatening that they would commit suicide if the government did not return their land.

"We let them have our land for over 20 years," says Gohil.

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