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Geopolitics

How Iran's Supreme Leader Is Short-Circuiting Diplomacy To Forge Alliances In Arab World

Iran's Supreme leader Ali Khamenei recently sent out a special envoy to ease tensions with wealthy Arab neighbors. He's hoping to end the country's international isolation and dismal economic conditions that contributed to last year's mass protests.

Image of Iran's supreme leader Ayatollah Khamenei smiling, a portrait of himself behind him.

Ayatollah Khamenei on March 21st, 2023, delivering his annual speech in the Imam Reza's (pbuh) shrine, on the first day of 1402 Persian New Year.

Kayhan-London

-Analysis-

Needing to revive its diplomatic options and financial ties with the Middle East, Iran's embattled regime recently sent a senior security official and former defense minister — instead of members of the diplomatic corps — to talk business with regional powers that have been keeping Iran at arm's length.

After a surprise deal in mid-March to restore diplomatic ties with the Saudi monarchy, Ali Shamkhani, secretary of Iran's Supreme National Security Council, traveled to the United Arab Emirates, meeting with officials including the federation's head, Sheikh Muhammad bin Zaid Al Nahyan. His meetings are expected to ease the flow of regional money into Iran's economy, which is practically on pause after years of international sanctions. After Abu Dhabi, Shamkhani went to Baghdad.

Shamkhani was effectively acting as an envoy of Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, and supplanting the country's diplomatic apparatus. This wasn't the first time an Iranian foreign minister has been sidelined in crucial international affairs.


Under President Hassan Rouhani, Foreign Minister Javad Zarif was kept in the dark about developments concerning Syria. At that time, it was the Revolutionary guards general Qasem Soleimani, who was killed in 2020, acting as Khamenei's go-between with rulers like Syria's Bashar al-Asad or Iraqi officials.

Shamkhani and his team even visited the site where Soleimani was struck down by a U.S. drone in 2020.

A regime changes its tune

It seems Khamenei was showing he had lost his patience with the government, a hardline outfit headed by one of his devotees, President Ibrahim Raisi. And it was another sign that power in Iran is now shared between the Leader and senior soldiers, and does not reside in the government, parliament or ministries.

Observers have said Khamenei wanted something done quickly to alleviate economic pressures — which he insists were the source of months of mass protests in 2022. Iran's currency has especially reached historic lows against the U.S. dollar in past months, fueling intolerable shortages and price rises inside Iran.

It appeared the Emirates would ease Iranian access to Emirati dirhams, which acts as an intermediate "hard currency" in Tehran.

An aide to Shamkhani, Muhammad Farzin, observed on March 19 that the trip had immediately boosted dirham transactions in Iran, and would in time help strengthen Iran's currency. It wasn't clear though how much an agreement with the UAE could aid Iranian finances. As a non-signatory to the FATF or international money-laundering pact that regulates transactions, money flows to and from Iran are restricted and difficult. The country is also under sanctions over its nuclear and ballistic missile activities and rights violations.

Suspicions of corruption and personal enrichment hover around him.

Khamenei's initiative illustrates one of his personal foreign-policy principles, termed "heroic flexibility". In past decades, he did not hesitate to lambast and pour scorn on the Arab monarchies of the Persian Gulf, but today, facing economic asphyxiation, the regime seems at least to have changed its tune. In this, he was aided by Iran's "big-brother" ally, communist China, which wants a firm foothold in an Iran that is minimally functional — if preferably in a state of near-destitution.

Image of Ali Shamkhani, Secretary of Iran's Supreme National Security Council, during a press conference, speaking into microphones held out by several journalists.

Secretary of Iran's Supreme National Security Council Ali Shamkhani during a press conference in Damascus, Syria.

Xinhua via Zuma

A high-ranking hanging

The trip may however have irked elements in Tehran — like the government. To muffle any complaints that it had degraded the foreign ministry, the Shamkhani tour was given a "security" label. Foreign Minister Hussein Amir Abdollahian would never complain of course, knowing how the regime works.

As happened under his predecessor Zarif, the ministry said everything had been duly coordinated.
The trip did in fact have security dimensions, notably with Iraq. The sides reportedly agreed to curb the presence in Iraqi Kurdistan of Kurdish groups hostile to the Iranian regime.

Others inside Iran may have wondered why Shamkhani was sent on the Leader's behalf. Suspicions of corruption and personal enrichment hover around him (though he is hardly exceptional in that sense). As defense minister in the late 1990s, under a reformist government, some hardliners think he is not to be trusted.

One of his former deputy-ministers, Alireza Akbari, was hanged early this year after being convicted of spying for Britain. Another of his deputies, the Guards general Alireza Asgari, disappeared in Turkey in 2007, and — if rumors were to be believed — may have become an informant of Western intelligence agencies.


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Geopolitics

Tunisian Frankenstein? Strongman President Accused Of Censorship At Book Fair

The recently completed 37th International Book Fair in Tunis became a flashpoint of growing concerns that Tunisian President Kaïs Saïed is cracking down on freedom of speech.

Tunisian President Kais Said and his entourage stand infront of a table piled with books

Tunisian President Kais Said attends the opening of the Tunis International Book Fair

Matteo Trabelsi

TUNIS — In the final days of the International Book Fair of Tunis, the aisles of the Kram Exhibition Center were buzzing with publisher stands overrun by readers in search of new works and young attendees checking out the latest board games. At first glance, it was difficult to imagine that the 37th edition of Tunisia's top literary event was embroiled in a major censorship controversy.

Two books — Le Frankenstein Tunisien (Tunisian Frankenstein) and Kaïs Ier président d’un bateau ivre (Kaïs I, President of a Drunken Boat) — had been removed days before from the stands, for so-called "administrative reasons."

On Friday, April 28, less than an hour after the inauguration of the Fair by Tunisian President Kaïs Saïed, who had declared his support for "freedom of thought," all copies of Le Frankenstein Tunisien, the latest novel by Kamel Riahi, illustrated by a caricature of Saïed on the cover, were withdrawn. The next day, Kaïs 1er, président d'un bateau ivre, an essay by journalist and author Nizar Bahloul, also disappeared from the shelves.

"Officials from the Ministry of Culture along with the Fair's security guards came to collect the inventory of the book. They told us that it was for inspection," said the head of the stand that publishes Bahloul’s work, the Maison tunisienne du livre. Their stand remained open, unlike, publishing house Dar Al Kitab’s, which was shut down by security agents. The stand was covered with a black tarpaulin, on which the publisher pasted a poster explaining that the closure was "an arbitrary decision.”

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