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How Egypt's Revolution Was Hijacked By The Free Elections It Had Fought For

Essay: The old guard and Islamists are both manipulating the ideas and events of the Egyptian revolution. Revolutionaries themselves are squandering it with meaningless protests disconnected from the general population.

Tahrir square, June 2, 2012 (glichfield)
Tahrir square, June 2, 2012 (glichfield)
Issandr El Amrani*

CAIRO - Political discourse in Egypt at the best of times can be strange and full of empty talk. But some of the statements recently made by presidential candidate Ahmed Shafik and the media that support him are rather odd. In the lead-up to the runoff, we were treated to Shafik presenting himself as the candidate of the revolution who would usher Egypt into a bright future, while his rival represented "a return to the dark ages' and chaos.

He continued to present the Muslim Brotherhood as not just a group of religious fanatics that would take individual freedoms back decades — that attack is fairly standard — but as having been a part of the old regime. The irony appears to have been lost on the man who served the Hosni Mubarak regime for many years and was appointed prime minister in the last days of his presidency. Shafik now presents himself as the candidate of "national reconciliation."

Around a week ago, Al-Dostour — the once-feisty newspaper run by the courageous journalist Ibrahim Eissa until its owner, Wafd Party leader Al-Sayed al-Badawy, kicked him out — joined in the Brotherhood-bashing. The real murderers of the more than 853 protesters killed during the 2011 uprising, it said, were not security forces but Brotherhood death squads. That certainly seems to answer the question of who was actually responsible for the murders, since the court that sentenced Mubarak and ex-Interior Minister Habib al-Adly to prison for 25 years only found that they had failed to prevent the deaths, not that they had ordered them (and consequently let off all of the other security chiefs involved).

Shafik's rival, Mohamed Morsi of the Freedom and Justice Party (and, much more importantly, the Brotherhood candidate who has since claimed victory), has been having something of a makeover. Having been dubbed by the Brotherhood's supreme guide as a new Abu Bakr, the first caliph after the death of Prophet Mohamed, he recently tried to rally those who did not vote for him by saying he is the candidate of the revolution. This is certainly more credible than Shafik's claims, but one may ask where Morsi and his Brothers were last year when they remained largely silent as protesters were killed in Mohamed Mahmoud Street and cabinet clashes in November and December. The Brotherhood was largely happy to work with the ruling military council and other politically conservative forces.

Defining the Egyptian revolution

What's at stake in this back-and-forth — the political attacks, the outright lies, the wooing of the majority of the electorate that voted neither for Shafik nor Morsi — is nothing less than the privilege to define what the revolution was. The word has been cheapened in the last year, in more than one way, and means different things to different people now. The counter-revolutionary establishment Shafik represents wants the revolution to end with the overthrow of Mubarak. The Brotherhood sees the revolution's goal as implementing its "Renaissance Project." Without a doubt, there are many different versions of the revolution and many attempts to subvert it.

This may be unpopular to say, but a good part of the blame for the lack of a clear idea of what the revolution is lies with the revolutionaries themselves. ...

Read the full story at Al Masry Al Youm.

*Issandr El Amrani is a writer on Middle East affairs and a blogger at The Arabist.

Photo - glichfield

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Indigenous Women Of Ecuador Set Example For Sustainable Agriculture

In southern Ecuador, a women-led agricultural program offers valuable lessons on sustainable farming methods, but also how to end violence.

Photo of women walking in Ecuador

Women walking in Guangaje Ecuador

Camila Albuja

SARAGURO — Here in this corner of southern Ecuador, life seems to be like a mandala — everything is cleverly used in this ancestral system of circular production. But the women of Saraguro had to fight and resist to make their way of life, protecting the local water and the seeds. When weaving, the women share and take care of each other, also weaving a sense of community.

With the wrinkled tips of her fingers, Mercedes Quizhpe, an indigenous woman from the Kichwa Saraguro people, washes one by one the freshly harvested vegetables from her garden. Standing on a small bench, with her hands plunged into the strong torrent of icy water and the bone-chilling early morning breeze, she checks that each one of her vegetables is ready for fair day. Her actions hold a life of historical resistance, one that prioritizes the care of life through the defense of territory and food sovereignty.

Mercedes' way of life is also one that holds many potential lessons for how to do agriculture and tourism better.

In the province of Loja, work begins before sunrise. At 5:00 a.m., the barking of dogs, the guardians of each house, starts. There is that characteristic smell of damp earth from the morning dew. Sheep bah uninterruptedly through the day. With all this life around, the crowing of early-rising roosters doesn't sound so lonely.

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