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Egypt

How Egypt's Revolution Was Hijacked By The Free Elections It Had Fought For

Essay: The old guard and Islamists are both manipulating the ideas and events of the Egyptian revolution. Revolutionaries themselves are squandering it with meaningless protests disconnected from the general population.

Tahrir square, June 2, 2012 (glichfield)
Tahrir square, June 2, 2012 (glichfield)
Issandr El Amrani*

CAIRO - Political discourse in Egypt at the best of times can be strange and full of empty talk. But some of the statements recently made by presidential candidate Ahmed Shafik and the media that support him are rather odd. In the lead-up to the runoff, we were treated to Shafik presenting himself as the candidate of the revolution who would usher Egypt into a bright future, while his rival represented "a return to the dark ages' and chaos.

He continued to present the Muslim Brotherhood as not just a group of religious fanatics that would take individual freedoms back decades — that attack is fairly standard — but as having been a part of the old regime. The irony appears to have been lost on the man who served the Hosni Mubarak regime for many years and was appointed prime minister in the last days of his presidency. Shafik now presents himself as the candidate of "national reconciliation."

Around a week ago, Al-Dostour — the once-feisty newspaper run by the courageous journalist Ibrahim Eissa until its owner, Wafd Party leader Al-Sayed al-Badawy, kicked him out — joined in the Brotherhood-bashing. The real murderers of the more than 853 protesters killed during the 2011 uprising, it said, were not security forces but Brotherhood death squads. That certainly seems to answer the question of who was actually responsible for the murders, since the court that sentenced Mubarak and ex-Interior Minister Habib al-Adly to prison for 25 years only found that they had failed to prevent the deaths, not that they had ordered them (and consequently let off all of the other security chiefs involved).

Shafik's rival, Mohamed Morsi of the Freedom and Justice Party (and, much more importantly, the Brotherhood candidate who has since claimed victory), has been having something of a makeover. Having been dubbed by the Brotherhood's supreme guide as a new Abu Bakr, the first caliph after the death of Prophet Mohamed, he recently tried to rally those who did not vote for him by saying he is the candidate of the revolution. This is certainly more credible than Shafik's claims, but one may ask where Morsi and his Brothers were last year when they remained largely silent as protesters were killed in Mohamed Mahmoud Street and cabinet clashes in November and December. The Brotherhood was largely happy to work with the ruling military council and other politically conservative forces.

Defining the Egyptian revolution

What's at stake in this back-and-forth — the political attacks, the outright lies, the wooing of the majority of the electorate that voted neither for Shafik nor Morsi — is nothing less than the privilege to define what the revolution was. The word has been cheapened in the last year, in more than one way, and means different things to different people now. The counter-revolutionary establishment Shafik represents wants the revolution to end with the overthrow of Mubarak. The Brotherhood sees the revolution's goal as implementing its "Renaissance Project." Without a doubt, there are many different versions of the revolution and many attempts to subvert it.

This may be unpopular to say, but a good part of the blame for the lack of a clear idea of what the revolution is lies with the revolutionaries themselves. ...

Read the full story at Al Masry Al Youm.

*Issandr El Amrani is a writer on Middle East affairs and a blogger at The Arabist.

Photo - glichfield

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FOCUS: Russia-Ukraine War

Searching For Marianna, A Pregnant Doctor From Mariupol Held Captive By The Russians

We’ve heard about the plight of the soldiers-turned-prisoners from Mariupol. Here are some traces of the disturbing fate of a young female doctor who’s been taken away.

A paper dove reads "Mariupol" at a shelter for displaced children in Uzhhorod, western Ukraine.

Paweł Smoleński

"Wait for me, because I will return…"

Marianna Mamonova wrote these words to her family, among the text messages and short phone calls that are the only remaining fragments used to piece together her recent past. We also have a photo of her, posted on Russian websites, where she looks into the lens, gaunt and exhausted, signed with a number like a concentration camp prisoner.

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Until the Russian-Ukrainian war, Mamonova’s biography was available to anyone who wanted to know. She was born in 1991, studied at the Ternopil Medical University, and later at the Kyiv Military Academy. After completing her studies, she was sent to work in the coastal city of Berdiansk. Her mother says that this is where her daughter's dream came true: She’d always wanted to be a military doctor, and worked in Berdiansk for three years, receiving the rank of officer in the Ukrainian army.

Beginning in 2014, she’d worked stints as a front-line doctor in the Donbas region, and when Russia invaded Ukraine in February she went to war again. This time in Mariupol.

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