September 24, 2015
GAZA CITY â€" The grungy stairwell leaves no doubt: this dilapidated building in the Gaza City district of Sheikh Radwan is indeed where Younes Hanar used to live. Once a fighter for the armed wing of Hamas (the Al-Qassam brigades), he was accused of having joined the forces of ISIS.
On the concrete walls of the building, the graffiti features messages glorifying ISIS (Islamic State) and those condemning the Hamas internal security forces. Also, here and there, one can see the handprints of Hanar's relatives, dipped in his blood.
It was on the fourth floor that the 27-year-old militant was killed on June 2. According to the official version, Hanar resisted arrest, and had explosives strapped to his body that he threatened to set off. But his mother, who lives right below his apartment, and his wife, who was there that morning, tell a different story. The entire neighborhood denounces the killing as a cold-blooded execution.
â€œThey didnâ€™t leave him any chance,â€ says Bessima, his mother, showing on her phone the picture of her sonâ€™s body, thick beard, and decimated face. â€œThey shot through the door and he was hit several times in the chest. Then, they came in and killed him with two bullets in his head.â€ The mother calmly mimes the barrel of a firearm pointed under her own jaw.
The victim's wife, Alaa says that one of her young children might have gone to open the door, and just as easily been shot.
A merciless hunt
Hamas does not trifle with those suspected of associating with ISIS, especially when they come from its own ranks. The Islamist party that has been in power here since 2007 has been hunting down Salafist jihadists without mercy for the past few months across Gaza. And if his family prefers remaining nebulous about Younes Hanarâ€™s connections with a movement that claims its affiliations with ISIS, they were in fact real. In the family apartment, where Alaa offers us a tour wrapped in her niqab, the black flag of ISIS is everywhere: painted on one of the walls, on a sticker on one of the bedroomsâ€™ door and even a magnet on the fridge.
Declaring their intentions to avenge Hanarâ€™s death, the Omar Brigades, a local Salafist group that supports ISIS, began firing rockets into in Israel in early June. On the 30th of the same month, Ansar Beit al-Maqdis, the branch of Islamic State in Sinai, released a video that accuses the â€œHamas tyrantsâ€ of laxity in application of Sharia law and warns the movement in power: "Weâ€™re going to eradicate the Jewish state, you and Fatah. Youâ€™ll be invaded by our multitudes.â€
On July 19, five cars belonging to armed wings of Hamas and Islamic jihad were destroyed by explosive devices.
But ask Hamas leaders, and there is no real issue with ISIS in Gaza. In his office, on the 13th floor of a seaside building, Ahmad Youssef, a senior member of Hamas political bureau, dismisses the rocket attacks and says the only current point of concern about ISIS recruitment is in prisons. â€œBut we are working on an important â€œdisindoctrinationâ€ process with inmates," Youssef says. "Iâ€™m confident that theyâ€™ll be able to get back to their families in peace soon.â€
Suppressing any uprising of the jihadist movement is a question of political survival for Hamas. When it rose to power in Gaza, the movement, buyoed by its religious discourse, claimed to defend individual rights and justice in the face of the corrupt Palestinian leaders of Fatah. Today, it is the the ISIS jihadists who accuse Hamas of corruption and taking a moderate stance towards Israel.
Claiming a monopoly on the extreme of Muslim piety is a way to discredit the status quo in this territory. Already in 2009, Hamas was forced to crush the group Jund Ansar Allah during a bloody operation against a mosque in Rafah. Twenty-four people died including the insurgents' leader, Abdelatif Moussa, a man who claimed an alliance with al Qaeda and regularly accused Hamas of being too permissive.
As times have changed, so too have the symbols, explains Ziad Medoukh, the director of the French studies department at Al-Aqsa University. â€œToday, featuring the name of Islamic State (ISIS) ensures international impact," he says. "But there is no real breeding ground in Gaza for ISIS the way there is in Syria and Iraq.â€
But local Catholic priest Father Mario sees the situation very differently. â€œWeâ€™re very scared that (ISIS) could spread in Gaza. And we canâ€™t even flee!â€
The young priest, who has been in Gaza for three years, says they are 1,200 Christians including 130 Catholics in the region. â€œIsrael doesnâ€™t grant us permits to leave the territory. Some take advantage of permissions granted at Christmas to go to Bethlehem and never come back."
Father Mario fears that supporters of Islamic State will attack their small community in order to gain followers, and that Hamas could eventually lose control.
Across Gaza, the authorities have established nighttime checkpoints to guard against ISIS, and Hamas destroyed an informal mosque in Deir al-Balah, in the center of the Palestinian enclave, thought to be a breeding ground for the jihadists. â€œI knew the place pretty well," asserts the journalist Hasan Jaber. "I attended Friday prayers some time ago, and there was a prayer dedicated to ISIS's success.â€
Today, all the militants who have not already been thrown in jail are hiding out. â€œYou wonâ€™t meet any of them, they donâ€™t trust anyone,â€ affirms Jaber, one of the first journalists to report the growth of the new jihadists in Gaza.
Ad hoc warriors?
Families of jihadists hold out hope for a quick release of their loved ones, and do not want to attract the wrath of Hamas. â€œOur son didnâ€™t do anything,â€ says the mother of one inmate, Mahmoud.
The woman's small apartment is in Beach Camp, a refugee camp constructed in 1948 to accommodate Palestinians who fled from Jaffa, Lod and Beer-Sheva. Poverty here is endemic, with electricity working only a few hours a day and scarce tap water, delivered by electric pumping systems.
Mahmoud's mother says her son wound up in jail only because he fought with Salafis during the last war against Israel in the summer of 2014. "There are some groups that are founded on their own, buy weapons as they can," she said. "Theyâ€™re just people who want to resist."
Opposite the front door of the woman's apartment, across the street where bare-footed kids play, one can see the ISIS black flag, with the words "Ansar al-Dawla Islamia" (â€œsupporters of the Islamic Stateâ€). Mahmoudâ€™s friends painted these inscriptions for his wedding. Today, he is in prison and his wife raises their 19-month son Osman alone.
â€œItâ€™s all because of a Hamas political game," declares Mohamad Taaleb, the young manâ€™s lawyer. "They want to appear like moderates in the eyes of Westerners with whom they are negotiating. But they shouldnâ€™t play with fire.â€
He says it's about economics ultimately: â€œif peopleâ€™s situation does not improve, then yes, some of them will turn to ISIS.â€
A year after the most recent and devastating war and ten years after the withdrawal of the Israeli army from Gaza, the living situation here is catastrophic. The unemployment rate is at 44%, while 39% of the enclave lives below the poverty line; four out of five inhabitants survive only thanks to humanitarian assistance. Above all, 10,000 people are still looking for permanent housing. In Al-Shejaya, in eastern Gaza, the Israeli army razed entire neighborhoods connected to the tunnels dug for militants to sneak into the Jewish state.
It is here, in a tent, in the middle of an empty lot, that the Chamali family lives. â€œMy husband was a member of the Al-Qassam brigades, he was killed here defending our lands,â€ states Sabah. â€œA year later, we still donâ€™t have a home. What is Hamas doing?â€ she denounces. â€œWhat will my children become with no father, no roof, no job prospects?â€
Hasan Jaber fears that Hamas will ultimately be unable to stop Islamic State, in part because ISIS may rise from within. â€œThere are many at odds with current negotiations with Israel. There are strong sympathies for the jihadist movement within the party in power itself,â€ the journalist explains. â€œIs Younes Hanarâ€™s very own mother not herself a Hamas militant? They raised a lion cub in their house. But he grew up and he won't hesitate to devour them if he has a chance.â€
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It is today a proven fraud, nailed by the French stock market watchdog: Air Next resorted to a full range of dubious practices to raise money for a blockchain-powered e-commerce app. But the simplest of errors exposed the scam and limited the damage to investors. A cautionary tale for the crypto economy.
October 27, 2021
PARIS — Air Next promised to use blockchain technology to revolutionize passenger transport. Should we have read something into its name? In fact, the company was talking a lot of hot air from the start. Air Next turned out to be a scam, with a fake website, false identities, fake criminal records, counterfeited bank certificates, aggressive marketing … real crooks. Thirty-five employees recruited over the summer ranked among its victims, not to mention the few investors who put money in the business.
Maud (not her real name) had always dreamed of working in a start-up. In July, she spotted an ad on Linkedin and was interviewed by videoconference — hardly unusual in the era of COVID and teleworking. She was hired very quickly and signed a permanent work contract. She resigned from her old job, happy to get started on a new adventure.
Others like Maud fell for the bait. At least ten senior managers, coming from major airlines, airports, large French and American corporations, a former police officer … all firmly believed in this project. Some quit their jobs to join; some French expats even made their way back to France.
Share capital of one billion
The story began last February, when Air Next registered with the Paris Commercial Court. The new company stated it was developing an application that would allow the purchase of airline tickets by using cryptocurrency, at unbeatable prices and with an automatic guarantee in case of cancellation or delay, via a "smart contract" system (a computer protocol that facilitates, verifies and oversees the handling of a contract).
The firm declared a share capital of one billion euros, with offices under construction at 50, Avenue des Champs Elysées, and a president, Philippe Vincent ... which was probably a usurped identity.
Last summer, Air Next started recruiting. The company also wanted to raise money to have the assets on hand to allow passenger compensation. It organized a fundraiser using an ICO, or "Initial Coin Offering", via the issuance of digital tokens, transacted in cryptocurrencies through the blockchain.
While nothing obliged him to do so, the company owner went as far as setting up a file with the AMF, France's stock market regulator which oversees this type of transaction. Seeking the market regulator stamp is optional, but when issued, it gives guarantees to those buying tokens.
The infamous typo that brought the Air Next scam down
Raising Initial Coin Offering
Then, on Sept. 30, the AMF issued an alert, by way of a press release, on the risks of fraud associated with the ICO, as it suspected some documents to be forgeries. A few hours before that, Air Next had just brought forward by several days the date of its tokens pre-sale.
For employees of the new company, it was a brutal wake-up call. They quickly understood that they had been duped, that they'd bet on the proverbial house of cards. On the investor side, the CEO didn't get beyond an initial fundraising of 150,000 euros. He was hoping to raise millions, but despite his failure, he didn't lose confidence. Challenged by one of his employees on Telegram, he admitted that "many documents provided were false", that "an error cost the life of this project."
What was the "error" he was referring to? A typo in the name of the would-be bank backing the startup. A very small one, at the bottom of the page of the false bank certificate, where the name "Edmond de Rothschild" is misspelled "Edemond".
Before the AMF's public alert, websites specializing in crypto-assets had already noted certain inconsistencies. The company had declared a share capital of 1 billion euros, which is an enormous amount. Air Next's CEO also boasted about having discovered bitcoin at a time when only a few geeks knew about cryptocurrency.
Employees and investors filed a complaint. Failing to find the general manager, Julien Leclerc — which might also be a fake name — they started looking for other culprits. They believe that if the Paris Commercial Court hadn't registered the company, no one would have been defrauded.
Beyond the handful of victims, this case is a plea for the implementation of more secure procedures, in an increasingly digital world, particularly following the pandemic. The much touted ICO market is itself a victim, and may find it hard to recover.
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