eyes on the U.S.

How The Minimum Wage Battle Will Shape 2016 U.S. Election

With the primary season about to kick off, questions about economic inequality — and the fact that even with jobs, many Americans can't climb out of poverty — are taking center stage.

Demonstrating in NYC for a raise in the minimum wage.
Demonstrating in NYC for a raise in the minimum wage.
Elsa Conesa

NEW YORK â€" The countdown has started. In less than three weeks, Iowa voters will be the first to choose their candidate for each party. Will Hillary Clinton beat her very left-wing rival Bernie Sanders hands down? Who, among Donald Trump, Ted Cruz and Ben Carson, will fly the Republican flag?

The date is eagerly awaited, but not for the reasons one might imagine. The first signal sent by the "purple state" (it's neither decidedly Democrat nor Republican) will, of course, provide a first glimpse of what the rest of the race might look like. But it will also offer a hint as to whether the solid economic recovery that can be seen in employment or growth figures, month after month, has become a daily reality for Americans.

With a job market close to full employment (5% of people unemployed), a GDP that has increased by 2% in five of the past six quarters, and productivity on the rise, the U.S. economy is indeed showing all the signs of a recovery. And yet, seven years after the financial crisis, the country still bears the stigma of what Americans call the "Great Recession."

Working poor

The middle class, the unfailing symbol of American prosperity, took a serious beating during the "subprime" aftermath. With so much of its wealth invested in real estate, the middle class still hasn’t recovered its median income of the 2000s. Most importantly, inequalities increased. In 2015, according to an in-depth study published in December by the Pew Research Center, the middle class, as a percentage of the country's total adult population, dipped below the all-important 50% benchmark â€" for the first time in 40 years.

This statistical erosion, which happened in favor of two extremes, is both good and bad news for the country. It shows that that number of wealthy Americans increased more rapidly than the poor. But it also shows that a proportion of the middle classes, the less educated, has dipped into poverty. According to the same source, 20% of American adults now live near or under the poverty line. And many of these poor Americans are employed: three-quarters of the people who resort to welfare programs, including for daily meals, are part of homes where at least one person works, according to a study by the University of California, Berkeley.

"It's the hidden cost of cheap labor," explains the author of the study, who values the cost of the support of these poor workers at $150 billion per year for the community.

In this context, it hardly comes as a surprise that the debate on the minimum wage has reemerged. Like gun control and abortion, the issue is predictably and historically divisive. Since the financial crisis, however, the debate has grown even more intense.

At $7.25 per hour, the U.S. federal minimum wage is indeed one of the lowest in the industrialized world. Despite several attempts by President Barack Obama, it hasn’t been raised since 2009, prompting the managing director of the International Monetary Fund, Christine Lagarde, to take the unusual step of calling for an increase that "would lay the foundations for sustainable growth." Some economists broke minimum wage down to the GDP per capita in OECD countries, and deduced that the American minimum wage should â€" in theory â€" be closer to $12.

A minimum wage movement

The terms of the debate in the United States are similar to those in Europe: supporters of a minimum wage increase say it’s impossible to live decently when earning just $7.25 per hour, even working full-time, even in the poorest states. Opponents, on the other hand, fear that a higher minimum wage will ultimately lead to job losses, which would affect the least qualified â€" most fragile â€" populations.

"I hate to say it, but we have to leave the minimum wage the way it is," Donald Trump said last November. "If you raise the minimum wage, you're going to make people more expensive than machines," his rival Marco Rubio added. While leading Democratic candidate Hillary Clinton remained cautious on the issue, The New York Times, in an editorial published on Dec. 26, pleaded in favor of a $15 minimum wage.

The national debate may seem to be at a standstill, but, curiously, local representatives have taken the lead. These past few years, more than half of the country’s states, including Republican states, implemented a minimum wage superior to the federal minimum (from $8 to $10). And some major cities, such as Seattle, San Francisco or Los Angeles, are planning on reaching $15 in the next five years. Many companies have also chosen to offer more competitive wages: in Silicon Valley, of course, but also in less flourishing industries, such as distribution or catering, where the job market is starting to become strained. Walmart, Costco, Gap and even McDonald’s offer more than minimum wage.

The results of these measures generate as much debate as the minimum wage issue itself. In the meantime, the movement is expected to continue in 2016: four states, including New York and California, as well as nine major cities, will vote on whether or not to establish a $15 minimum wage. Admittedly, this ballot in itself won't set a new standard. But they should keep the debate alive for at least another year â€" in Iowa and beyond.

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Iran-Saudi Arabia Rivalry May Be Set To Ease, Or Get Much Worse

The Saudis may be awaiting the outcome of Iran's nuclear talks with the West, to see whether Tehran will moderate its regional policies, or lash out like never before.

Military parade in Tehran, Iran, on Oct. 3


LONDON — The Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Saeed Khatibzadeh said earlier this month that Iranian and Saudi negotiators had so far had four rounds of "continuous" talks, though both sides had agreed to keep them private. The talks are to ease fraught relations between Iran's radical Shia regime and the Saudi kingdom, a key Western ally in the Middle East.

Iran's Foreign Minister Hossein Amirabdollahian has said that the talks were going in the right direction, while an Iranian trade official was recently hopeful these might even allow trade opportunities for Iranian businessmen in Saudi Arabia. As the broadcaster France 24 observed separately, it will take more than positive signals to heal a five-year-rift and decades of mutual suspicions.

Agence France-Presse news agency, meanwhile, has cited an unnamed French diplomat as saying that Saudi Arabia wants to end its costly discord with Tehran. The sides may already have agreed to reopen consular offices. For Saudi Arabia, the costs include its war on Iran-backed Houthis rebels fighting an UN-recognized government in next-door Yemen.

The role of the nuclear pact

Bilateral relations were severed in January 2016, after regime militiamen stormed the Saudi embassy in Tehran. Amirabdollahian was then the deputy foreign minister for Arab affairs. In 2019, he told the website Iranian Diplomacy that Saudi Arabia had taken measures vis-a-vis Iran's nuclear pact with the world powers.

It's unlikely Ali Khamenei will tolerate the Saudi kingdom's rising power in the region.

He said "the Saudis' insane conduct toward [the pact] led them to conclude that they must prevent [its implementation] in a peaceful environment ... I think the Saudis are quite deluded, and their delusion consists in thinking that Trump is an opportunity for them to place themselves on the path of conflict with the Islamic Republic while relying on Trump." He meant the administration led by the U.S. President Donald J.Trump, which was hostile to Iran's regime. This, he said, "is not how we view Saudi Arabia. I think Yemen should have been a big lesson for the Saudis."

The minister was effectively admitting the Houthis were the Islamic Republic's tool for getting back at Saudi Arabia.

Yet in the past two years, both sides have taken steps to improve relations, without firm results as yet. Nor is the situation likely to change this time.

Photo of Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei in 2020

Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei in 2020


Riyadh's warming relations with Israel

Iran's former ambassador in Lebanon, Ahmad Dastmalchian, told the ILNA news agency in Tehran that Saudi Arabia is doing Israel's bidding in the region, and has "entrusted its national security, and life and death to Tel Aviv." Riyadh, he said, had been financing a good many "security and political projects in the region," or acting as a "logistical supplier."

The United States, said Dastmalchian, has "in turn tried to provide intelligence and security backing, while Israel has simply followed its own interests in all this."

Furthermore, it seems unlikely Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei will tolerate, even in this weak period of his leadership, the kingdom's rising power in the region and beyond, and especially its financial clout. He is usually disparaging when he speaks of Riyadh's princely rulers. In 2017, he compared them to "dairy cows," saying, "the idiots think that by giving money and aid, they can attract the goodwill of Islam's enemies."

Iranian regime officials are hopeful of moving toward better diplomatic ties and a reopening of embassies. Yet the balance of power between the sides began to change in Riyadh's favor years ago. For the kingdom's power has shifted from relying mostly on arms, to economic and political clout. The countries might have had peaceful relations before in considerably quieter, and more equitable, conditions than today's acute clash of interests.

For if nuclear talks break down, Iran's regime may become more aggressive.

Beyond this, the Abraham Accord or reconciliation of Arab states and Israel has been possible thanks to the green light that the Saudis gave their regional partners, and it is a considerable political and ideological defeat for the Islamic Republic.

Assuming all Houthis follow Tehran's instructions — and they may not — improved ties may curb attacks on Saudi interests and aid its economy. Tehran will also benefit from no longer having to support them. Unlike Iran's regime, the Saudis are not pressed for cash or resources and could even offer the Houthis a better deal. Presently, they may consider it more convenient to keep the softer approach toward Tehran.

For if nuclear talks with the West break down, Iran's regime may become more aggressive, and as experience has shown, tensions often prompt a renewal of missile or drone attacks on the Saudis, on tankers and on foreign shipping. Riyadh must have a way of keeping the Tehran regime quiet, in a distinctly unquiet time.

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