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We Can't Choose Our Refugees Or Enemies — What Racists Don't Understand About War

The European far-right's sympathies for "white and Christian" Ukrainians shows its devotion to the idea of the "clash of civilizations." But it fails to see the basic paradoxes of war, where you may be fighting those who most resemble you and be forced to welcome those who look different.

We Can't Choose Our Refugees Or Enemies — What Racists Don't Understand About War

A train in Pokrovsk station during the evacuation of civilians from Donbas

Farid Kahhat

-OpEd-

In a recent tweet, Hermann Tertsch, a far-right member of European Parliament, clarified what his ilk understood refugees to be. The member of Spain's populist Vox party wrote that "in Ukraine, they are real refugees. Christian, white refugees."

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He was supposedly listing criteria relevant only to the state of Ukrainians, while ignoring the fact that the Russian soldiers who have brutally turned them into refugees are just as white and Christian.


The conflict that yielded the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees — World War II — also had white Christians among its chief victims and perpetrators. Indeed, the identifications that provoked that war were either ethnic nationalism or political ideology, but not religion or skin color.

A Clash of Civilizations?

In any case, being "white" is a relative thing — especially among racists and supremacists. Let's remember that for Adolph Hitler, as set out in Mein Kampf, the Slavs of Eastern Europe, like both Russians and Ukrainians, were inferior peoples.

The radical right in the developed world remains stuck in the Clash of Civilizations thesis proposed by the writer Samuel Huntington, in spite of that failure to explain a good many contemporary conflicts. Huntington underestimated the probability of war between Ukraine and Russia precisely because the countries emerged from the same civilization and have had centuries of close social, cultural and religious ties.

Race and religion appear to be distractions in the conflicts.

And it is for their dogged acceptance of Huntington's theses that people like Tertsch are unable to properly conceptualize events in Ukraine. Indeed, events long before the war in Ukraine revealed the shortcomings in Huntington's thesis, both in 1993 when his article appeared and in 1996, when that turned into a book.

A banner to welcome refugees in Madrid, Spain

Maria Teneva

Counter-examples from history

In those years, NATO (white Christians) intervened in Bosnia-Herzegovina on the side of a coalition of Muslims and Croats, against the Serbs (with Christians on both sides). All the warring sides, including the Muslims, were white Slavs. In 1999, NATO intervened on behalf of the Kosovars (mostly Muslims), against the Serbian ruler Milošević (purportedly the "Christian" side).

Before Huntington's article, the administration of U.S. President Ronald Reagan backed Muslim rebels (who included in their numbers people like Osama bin Laden) in Afghanistan, fighting the Soviet Union (whose people were white and, in many cases, Christian). It was pointed out at the time that strong Protestant influences in the Reagan administration were instrumental in its finding closer affinity with God-fearing Muslims than the atheist Soviet regime.

Race and religion appear to be distractions in the conflicts cited, and have no role in the forging of alliances like NATO. Religion did not cause the wars in Yugoslavia, Afghanistan or Ukraine, and as for race, neither the Afghans nor the Soviets noticed skin color as they fired at each other.

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LGBTQ Plus

For LGBTQ+ Who Fled Bolsonaro’s Brazil, The Fear Of “Homophobe President” Winning Again

Portugal became a refuge for the Brazilian LGBTQ+ community who faced real danger following Jair Bolsonaro's victory four years ago. Some of those who left say that if Lula beats the right-wing incumbent in Sunday's presidential election, they would move back home.

People during the Gay Pride Parade in Lisbon, Portugal.

João Damião

LISBON — Nanny Aguiar sought in Lisbon the security that Jair Bolsonaro took away. Whenever she plays the violin or performs at Palácio do Grilo, in Xabregas, a neighborhood in the east of the city centre, Aguiar is reminded of everything she felt that October night five years ago. That night she lit candles in her house and made the decision to leave behind Recife the coastal Brazilian city where she was born 30 years earlier, and move to Lisbon.

That night of Oct. 22, 2018, Jair Bolsonaro emerged victorious in the presidential elections, with 64% of the votes in the second round. The life of Aguiar and Brazil’s entire LGBTQ+ community would never be the same.

✉️ You can receive our LGBTQ+ International roundup every week directly in your inbox. Subscribe here.

Despite living in a different city, Aguiar never changed her polling station, in the extreme south of Recife, near her mother’s house away. “It was an excuse to spend another Sunday with her”, She says, laughing. “That day, I voted, had lunch with my mother and only came home that night.”

It was on the return journey, by car, that reality hit her. “This guy did not appear from nowhere in 2018, we had known for a long time who Bolsonaro was: a racist and homophobe. The problem is, he was a joke. No one ten years ago thought that someone like that could legitimately be in power.”

For nearly four years, the man residing in the presidential palace in Brasilia makes statements like “having a gay child is a lack of beating” or “I would be incapable of loving a homosexual child. I'd rather my child die in an accident.”

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