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Ideas

Can We Still Say "Merry Christmas"? An Italian Take On The Inclusive Language Debate

The European Commission's efforts to push for more inclusive language are important. But we should be careful and make sure we make room for differences.

Can We Still Say "Merry Christmas"? An Italian Take On The Inclusive Language Debate

"Buone feste" or "Buon Natale"?

Michela Marzano

-OpEd-

ROME — In Italian, it's Buone feste or Buon Natale? "Happy holidays" or "Merry Christmas"? The controversy triggered over the European Commission's Union of Equality guidelines makes very little sense.

The EU does not prohibit anyone from using the word "Christmas." Such guidelines only serve to highlight the importance of language in preventing inequalities from being perpetuated or worsened.


At university, for instance, there is always a moment when a colleague refers to a student using the horrible term “disabled” (which is even more violent in French, as the term for "disabled" is "handicapé", or handicapped) and I, systematically, react the same way: "Can we, please, avoid reducing one to their disability?"

This often triggers the same reaction among my colleagues, who look at me, puzzled, muttering "but why is Marzano always such a nitpicker?”

More inclusive language

In the case of disabilities, it is not about being picky. The Union of Equality commission rightly calls for the use of a more inclusive language, without emphasizing whether a woman is single or married by distinguishing between "miss or mrs", or without creating barriers between heterosexual and homosexual or transgender people.

It is essential to realize that equality is also built through words, and that for instance, referring to a colleague as "mrs" is a clear way of continuing to discriminate against women.

No objection, then, to these guidelines? Is there no problem either when the Commission explains that all references to gender, sexual orientation, ethnic origin, disability and religious beliefs should be removed?

Identity and belief

Actually, I do have a few minor objections. Especially when I seem to perceive a conceptual shift from equality to identity, since it is not true that we are all identical and that, most of the time, it is precisely our differences that make us unique and not interchangeable.

Why, in order to respect equality, should there be no linguistic reference to gender, sexual orientation, religious belief or disability? Not to mention a disability is to erase it. Erasing is ignoring the specific needs of a person with a disability. Ignoring their specific needs is marginalizing them.

Why would wishing a non-believer "Merry Christmas" violate equality?

A similar discourse applies to sexual orientation, age, and religious beliefs: it is one thing to offend someone because they are gay, old, or even religious. It is another not to acknowledge (and therefore suppress) them as gay, lesbian, old, or Catholic.

How long did it take before homosexual people could finally emerge from the invisibility to which they had been relegated? How many Pride demonstrations had to be organised to obtain rights for gays and lesbians? Why would calling an elderly person "old" or wishing a non-believer "Merry Christmas" violate equality? Is there perhaps a value judgment behind the terms "homosexual," "trans," "elderly," and Christmas, or are we confusing the descriptive and evaluative levels?

A man in a wheel chair in Palermo

Reporters/ZUMA

Making room for differences

I hate inequality and have always fought against it. Yet sometimes I suspect that, in the name of formal equality, we make the mistake of erasing differences. It is only by making room for differences — and by naming them clearly — that we can then aim for inclusion and equality: equal though different; equal because different.

However, I am ready to challenge myself if someone has the patience (and the will) to show me that I am wrong, that I am outdated, that I am working with a now obsolete software.

Also because this defense of the thousand shades of reality — which also leads me not to be shocked when I hear about Christmas, Passover or Ramadan — has nothing to do with defending the "Christian roots of the European Union'' as the right-wing party Forza Italia pointed out, nor with the absurd criticism that the intention of the EU is to rewrite the idea of family or nature.

Conception of the absolute

My doubts about some of the guidelines of the Union of Equality Commissions come to light most vividly when I think of Theo, one of my students, and the conversation we had recently. He explained to me that he would rather call himself "gay" than "homosexual"; or when I think of my mother, who is elderly and needs someone to give her a seat when she takes the bus, and that if she were just "more grown-up" she might have a harder time asking a young person to leave her a seat.

I get very irritated when people call me "miss": it's obviously a way to belittle me. I am uncompromising when I hear someone referred to as "disabled," because none of us are our own disability. Language is fundamental to building inclusion and equality. Those who deny this are either mistaken or acting in bad faith.

However, let's be careful not to anesthetize language by using it with vague imprecision. This risks transforming language into the "night in which all cows are black", on which Hegel famously criticized his contemporary Schelling's conception of the Absolute. If we were all identical what could possibly make us unique?

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FOCUS: Russia-Ukraine War

If 3.3 Million Ukrainian Refugees Never Come Home? The Economics Of Post-War Life Choices

The war isn't the only thing that stands in the way of the homecoming of Ukrainian refugees. A lot depends on the efficiency of post-war economic recovery. A new study warns that up to 3.3 million won't be coming back after the fighting stops.

Photograph of a mother and her two children meeting an evacuation train from the Sumy region at the central railway station.​

July 16, 2023, Kyiv, Ukraine: People meet an evacuation train from the Sumy region at the central railway station.

Oleksii Chumachenko/ZUMA
Yaroslav Vinokurov

KYIV — Approximately 6.7 million Ukrainians have left their country since the Russian invasion. The longer the war lasts, the more these refugees will consolidate their new lives in their host countries, resulting in a heavy population drain for Ukraine.

Stay up-to-date with the latest on the Russia-Ukraine war, with our exclusive international coverage.

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Earlier this month, the Kyiv-based Center for Economic Strategy (CES) presented a study on the attitudes of Ukrainian refugees that shows a large number of them will likely not return to their homeland even after the end of the war.

According to their calculations, Ukraine may lose 3.3 million citizens. There is also a strong likelihood that a large number of men currently fighting in the war will move abroad in order to reunite with their families that have settled there.

Even in peacetime, counting Ukrainians is not an easy task. A full-fledged census was conducted in the country only once: in 2001. It concluded that Ukraine had a population of 48.5 million.

After the Russian invasion in 2014, Ukraine was unable to compute how the population in the temporarily occupied territories had changed. According to latest calculations, as on February 1, 2022, an estimated 41.13 million people lived in the unoccupied territory.

After February 24, 2022, it became impossible to count the exact number of inhabitants, partly because the state does not have information on the number of Ukrainians who have fled the country as a result of the war.

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