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“Foreign Agent,” Putin’s Favorite Euphemism For Targeting Opponents

Russia is increasingly labeling journalists and human rights organizations as “foreign agents.” It’s the Kremlin’s latest – and most effective – way of cracking down on any kind of opposition.

Dmitry Muratov Awarded 2021 Nobel Peace Prize

Dmitry Muratov Awarded 2021 Nobel Peace Prize

Anna Akage

The first thing to understand about those the Russian state calls “foreign agents” is that almost all of them are actually Russian. On top of that, most of these “agents” are either journalists or activists — or the media and human rights organizations they work for.

Foreign agent (иностранный агент - inostrannyi agent) is very much a loaded term and product of Vladimir Putin’s reign. It is a criminal designation bestowed on those whose activities are considered hostile to the state and have in some way received financing from abroad.


According to Russian law, anyone can be recognized as a foreign agent. It can be a media organization, a public organization, or a person. They can engage in absolutely any activity: politics, journalism, or protecting the rights of Russian citizens. Anyone who receives even a dollar in their account from a non-Russian can become a foreign agent. Sending such payments even anonymously back does not guarantee impunity.

A crackdown on press freedom

But the impact extends beyond the purely juridical. In public discourse, foreign agents are equated with spies and enemies of the Motherland. The opposition and independent media are demanding that this phrase be removed from the law and that the penalties be abolished.

On December 15, the St. Petersburg parliament refused to consider an initiative by the opposition party Yabloko to remove the concept of a foreign agent from its legislation. As of the end of 2021, the Russian Ministry of Justice lists 33 media outlets, 62 journalists, and 79 human rights organizations as foreign agents.

The phrase is symptomatic of Russia’s transition towards autocracy.

Among the most prominent foreign agents is Novaya Gazeta, whose editor, Dmitri Muratov. recently won the Nobel Peace Prize. Muratov said he would wear the title of a foreign agent with pride. However, the prize has scared off the Russian Ministry of Justice and the inclusion of Novaya in the blacklist is awaiting Putin’s decision. Now Novaya is the last free newspaper in Russia.

The law on foreign agents was adopted in 2012 as a preparation for a future electoral challenge. But the phrase has firmly entered everyday speech and is symptomatic of Russia’s transition towards autocracy. In September, Putin’s United Russia party won a parliamentary majority. However, those elections were marred by reports of fraud and Putin’s biggest critics were barred from running.

Russian Supreme Court hears case against Memorial Society

Russian Supreme Court hears case against Memorial Society

Stanislav Krasilnikov / TASS / ZUMA Press

A Russian misinterpretation of a U.S. law

The fear of foreign interference in Russia's affairs comes from Russia’s historical ideology of confronting world evil. Yet it is customary in Russia to justify certain actions by mentioning precedents set around the world.

When presenting the federal law on foreign agents, the government was referring to the American Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA) law, enacted in 1938, in response to the growing number of organizations sympathetic to Hitler. At that time, Congress could not simply ban Nazi propaganda because the First Amendment guaranteed freedom of speech. Therefore, it decided that organizations or individuals performing any tasks of a foreign state must officially report and register with the state authorities, with no restrictions placed on lobbying activities.

This is not a legal issue, but a political one.

The FARA law applies only to media outlets in which U.S. citizens own less than 80% of the capital and whose editorial policies are controlled by foreign governments. The point of including the media in the list of foreign agents in the U.S. is purely bureaucratic and does not interfere with their work.

The Russian government copied the name of the FARA law but not its essence. An anonymous source in the Russian newspaper Kommersant notes the letter of the law is not so important in such projects. "This is not a legal issue, but a political one. There can be any number of mistakes, and bills pass if the subject of lawmaking is ‘correct.’ If such laws are introduced, it means that someone needs it," they said.

Synonymous with traitor

Russian TV channel Dojd, recognized as a foreign agent in Russia, is fully controlled by Russian shareholders and is not run by any foreign government. So is the human rights organization Memorial, which researches repression in the USSR.

Moreover, while in English the word “agent” is open-ended, in Russian, it is more synonymous with traitor or spy.

If a media outlet or organization is recognized as a foreign agent, any publication must be accompanied by a disclaimer stating that the material is distributed by a foreign agent. This is a huge warning attached to the material, even on social networks, to scare away advertisers if it is about the media and voters if it is about elections. Eventually, the stigma of being labeled as such often leads to bankruptcy, as financing a foreign agent entails criminal penalties and thus dissuades people or organizations from providing funding.

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Ideas

Revenge v. Rule Of Law: How You Treat Your Prisoners Of War Says It All

A Ukrainian court has convicted the first Russia soldier of war crimes. Meanwhile, Moscow offers no news on the Ukrainian soldiers surrendered in Mariupol. The very meaning of this war may be contained in the different treatment of POWs.

Ukrainian soldiers surrendering at Mariupol's Azovstal steelworks

Cover Images/ZUMA
Anna Akage

He doesn’t look like a typical war criminal. With his slight build barely filling out a blue-gray sweatshirt, a baby face and close-shaved head, Vadim Shishimarin seems even younger than his 21 years. But on Monday, the Russian Army contract soldier was sentenced to life in prison in Kyiv for the cold-blooded killing of an unarmed 62-year-old Ukrainian man.

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The conviction on war crimes charges is the first of its kind since the war began three months ago. But Shishimarin’s conviction isn’t really the news: he had already confessed to the killing, and his “I was just following orders” defense has been dismissed in other ugly episodes of history before.

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