Erdogan’s Post-Coup "New Turkey"? Islamism Disguised As Unity

Both President Erdogan and top opposition parties are focused on national reconciliation. But Erdogan's plans will ultimately exclude democracy.

Pro-Erdogan rally in Istanbul on Aug. 7
Pro-Erdogan rally in Istanbul on Aug. 7
Nuray Mert


ISTANBUL â€" July 15, the day of the failed coup attempt in Turkey, is undoubtedly a turning point for this country. What is still unclear is just where we will turn. It could be an opportunity for those who dream of a peaceful and democratic Turkey. And yes, it is still up to us to keep this dream alive and try to make it a reality. However, in order for political or social dreams to come true, they must be shared by the majority of a society. That still is far away in Turkey.

It seems, instead, that the two values at the top of the political agenda are reconciliation and reconstruction. But even those will be very hard to achieve. First of all, it seems, any evil factor that arises is immediately pinned on the Gülenists (the followers of Fethullah Gülen, the Islamic theologian in self-imposed exile in the United States, whom Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan blames for the coup attempt). But it is hard to come to terms with the future path to be taken without questioning Turkey's past as a whole.

The nationalist circles reawakened in the past weeks are just one example of Turkish short-sightedness. Still, the even more important sticking points are linked to the very different views of the future of Turkey in the eyes of the democrats, secularists, Kurds and Islamists. The latter view democracy as limited to having elections and tolerating secularism on a temporary basis, ultimately to give way to an order ruled by Islamic precepts.

Taking a closer look at the reaction to the July 15 coup attempt, we see that it goes beyond a common stance against coups: It is a step towards such an order. It is the official founding date of the "New Turkey." The other groups are of course suspicious and disturbed by this path, but neither their visions of the future nor their voters have the power to shape the future.

Ideology and opportunism

The Kurdish political movement is justifiably unsettled that the current political reconciliation is based on Turkish nationalism, but they are focusing on the Kurdish national struggle rather than joining in to build a new democratic Turkey. The conservative majority may not be supportive of an ideologically Islamist order but they have no grand objections against this path and defining democracy with whatever gets the most votes.

The worst thing about all of this is: The New Turkey project, by its current definition, does not promise more social peace, democracy or freedom. This is exactly why it cannot be the right path for the future.

The most inspired defenders of the "New Turkey" project are ideological Islamists â€" or Islamist nationalists to be more precise, along with opportunists of all stripes.

Islamism is an authoritarian ideology. No matter who says what, it is just a new form of social engineering. It is one thing to heed the importance not to neglect the Muslim culture of this country, but it is another thing to attempt to force all of society into the mold of Islam.

As of now, the Islamists still perceive democracy as "a foreign ideology that does not fit here," and secularism as the most basic infidelity. A New Turkey built on this line will be an authoritarian order under any circumstance. Of course, we may face new disasters before we ever get there.

Keep up with the world. Break out of the bubble.
Sign up to our expressly international daily newsletter!

How Thailand's Lèse-Majesté Law Is Used To Stifle All Protest

Once meant to protect the royal family, the century-old law has become a tool for the military-led government in Bangkok to stamp out all dissent. A new report outlines the abuses.

Pro-Democracy protest at The Criminal Court in Bangkok, Thailand

Laura Valentina Cortés Sierra

"We need to reform the institution of the monarchy in Thailand. It is the root of the problem." Those words, from Thai student activist Juthatip Sirikan, are a clear expression of the growing youth-led movement that is challenging the legitimacy of the government and demanding deep political changes in the Southeast Asian nation. Yet those very same words could also send Sirikan to jail.

Thailand's Criminal Code 'Lèse-Majesté' Article 112 imposes jail terms for defaming, insulting, or threatening the monarchy, with sentences of three to 15 years. This law has been present in Thai politics since 1908, though applied sparingly, only when direct verbal or written attacks against members of the royal family.

But after the May 2014 military coup d'état, Thailand experienced the first wave of lèse-majesté arrests, prosecutions, and detentions of at least 127 individuals arrested in a much wider interpretation of the law.

The recent report 'Second Wave: The Return of Lèse-Majesté in Thailand', documents how the Thai government has "used and abused Article 112 of the Criminal Code to target pro-democracy activists and protesters in relation to their online political expression and participation in peaceful pro-democracy demonstrations."

Criticism of any 'royal project'

The investigation shows 124 individuals, including at least eight minors, have been charged with lèse-majesté between November 2020 and August 2021. Nineteen of them served jail time. The new wave of charges is cited as a response to the rising pro-democracy protests across Thailand over the past year.

Juthatip Sirikan explains that the law is now being applied in such a broad way that people are not allowed to question government budgets and expenditure if they have any relationship with the royal family, which stifles criticism of the most basic government decision-making since there are an estimated 5,000 ongoing "royal" projects. "Article 112 of lèse-majesté could be the key (factor) in Thailand's political problems" the young activist argues.

In 2020 the Move Forward opposition party questioned royal spending paid by government departments, including nearly 3 billion baht (89,874,174 USD) from the Defense Ministry and Thai police for royal security, and 7 billion baht budgeted for royal development projects, as well as 38 planes and helicopters for the monarchy. Previously, on June 16, 2018, it was revealed that Thailand's Crown Property Bureau transferred its entire portfolio to the new King Maha Vajiralongkorn.

photo of graffiti of 112 crossed out on sidewalk

Protestors In Bangkok Call For Political Prisoner Release

Peerapon Boonyakiat/SOPA Images via ZUMA Wire

Freedom of speech at stake

"Article 112 shuts down all freedom of speech in this country", says Sirikan. "Even the political parties fear to touch the subject, so it blocks most things. This country cannot move anywhere if we still have this law."

The student activist herself was charged with lèse-majesté in September 2020, after simply citing a list of public documents that refer to royal family expenditure. Sirikan comes from a family that has faced the consequences of decades of political repression. Her grandfather, Tiang Sirikhan was a journalist and politician who openly protested against Thailand's involvement in World War II. He was accused of being a Communist and abducted in 1952. According to Sirikhan's family, he was killed by the state.

The new report was conducted by The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), Thai Lawyer for Human Rights (TLHR), and Internet Law Reform Dialogue (iLaw). It accuses Thai authorities of an increasingly broad interpretation of Article 112, to the point of "absurdity," including charges against people for criticizing the government's COVID-19 vaccine management, wearing crop tops, insulting the previous monarch, or quoting a United Nations statement about Article 112.

Juthatip Sirikan speaks in front of democracy monument.

Shift to social media

While in the past the Article was only used against people who spoke about the royals, it's now being used as an alibi for more general political repression — which has also spurred more open campaigning to abolish it. Sirikan recounts recent cases of police charging people for spreading paint near the picture of the king during a protest, or even just for having a picture of the king as phone wallpaper.

The more than a century-old law is now largely playing out online, where much of today's protest takes place in Thailand. Sirikan says people are willing to go further on social media to expose information such as how the king intervenes in politics and the monarchy's accumulation of wealth, information the mainstream media rarely reports on them.

Not surprisingly, however, social media is heavily monitored and the military is involved in Intelligence operations and cyber attacks against human rights defenders and critics of any kind. In October 2020, Twitter took down 926 accounts, linked to the army and the government, which promoted themselves and attacked political opposition, and this June, Google removed two Maps with pictures, names, and addresses, of more than 400 people who were accused of insulting the Thai monarchy. "They are trying to control the internet as well," Sirikan says. "They are trying to censor every content that they find a threat".

Keep up with the world. Break out of the bubble.
Sign up to our expressly international daily newsletter!