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FOCUS: Russia-Ukraine War

How A 1930s Soviet Famine Targeted Ukraine — And Why It Matters More Than Ever

Ukraine and countries around the world recognize the Holodomor, the famine which killed millions of Ukrainians in the early 1930s, as a genocide caused by Soviet authorities. But Russia still refuses to admit responsibility. A new study uses agricultural records and mathematical modeling to show that the famine clearly targeted Ukrainians.

Photo of the ​The Bitter Memory of Childhood statue honoring the victims of the Holodomor famine in Kyiv, Ukraine.

The Bitter Memory of Childhood statue honoring the victims of the Holodomor famine in Kyiv, Ukraine.

Boris Grozovskiy

KYIV — The Holodomor was one of the greatest humanitarian disasters of the 20th century. In the course of just two years, from 1932 to 1933, between 5 and 10.8 million people died of hunger in the Soviet Union — at least 2.6 to 3.9 million of them in Ukraine alone.

Until the 1980s, the Soviet government denied that the tragedy happened at all. Modern Russian historians now agree that the famine was caused by human action. But while Ukraine, the European Parliament, the U.S. and Canada, among other countries, have all recognized Holodomor as a genocide, most Russian historians still disagree, arguing that people also died in other grain-producing regions of the Soviet Union.

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This historical dispute has strong political significance. The Ukrainian government often repeats its demand for apology and restitution from Russia, the legal successor to the USSR, for orchestrating the famine. The Kremlin says describing the Holodomor as a genocide is anti-Russian propaganda. After its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Russian forces dismantled memorials to the Holodomor in occupied cities of Mariupol and Kreminna.


"The famine in Ukraine was chosen as a way to subdue the Ukrainian people," says former Ukrainian president Viktor Yushchenko. "The goal was to bleed Ukraine, to undermine its strength and thus eliminate the possibility of restoring Ukrainian statehood."

Photo of Ukrainians in Munich, Germany remember the Holodomor Genocide on the 90th anniversary of the famine in 2022.

Ukrainians in Munich, Germany remember the Holodomor Genocide on the 90th anniversary of the famine in 2022.

Ukraine Presidency via Zuma Press

There was enough grain

Using mathematical models and Soviet-era records, a team of economists have estimated the contribution of Soviet economic policy to the high death rate of Ukrainians during the famine, and whether the data suggest the famine targeted Ukrainians.

Andrei Markevich at the University of Helsinki and New Economic School in Moscow, Natalya Naumenko at George Mason University and Nancy Qian at Northwestern University presented their results at the American Economic Association conference in January 2023.

They began their study with a thesis: the harvest of 1932 in Ukraine was smaller than in previous years, but would have been enough to feed the population. The harvest in the rest of the USSR would also have been sufficient for people there, without taking grain from Ukraine. The main cause of the famine therefore was not a decrease in grain production, but instead the removal of grain from Ukraine, whose agriculture had already been destroyed by Soviet collectivization — the forced integration of individual landholdings and labor into collective state-controlled farms.

In 1932, the minimum grain allowance per person was 0.78 kilograms per day. But that year, Soviet authorities left Ukraine 31% less than this minimum amount needed to survive.

Kazakhstan and Russian regions that survived the famine were also allocated less grain, but the study shows that more was taken from Ukrainian areas.

Five-year plan

On average years, mortality in Ukraine at the time was 18 people per 1,000. In 1932, that number rose to 22, and the following year to 60 people per 1,000 — more than three times higher. In Russia and Belarus, the mortality rate also rose, but far less dramatically: from 22 people per 1000 in 1932 to 30 people in 1933.

The study also found that across the USSR, more people died in regions that had more Ukrainians. Mortality followed national, not administrative, boundaries. At the time, a quarter of Ukrainians lived in other regions of the USSR, outside Ukraine. In those regions, the mortality rate was as high as in Ukraine itself. Soviet authorities also took more grain from regions with more Ukrainians, and allocated them less.

The first five-year plan for the Soviet economy, which was adopted in 1928, called for more grain to be removed from Ukraine, the study found. The plan also left less grain in a region populated by Ukrainians than in an area with the same level of harvesting where there were no Ukrainians.

The result: in 1926, before the famine, Ukrainians made up 21.3% of the USSR's population. In 1939, the number had plummeted to 16.5%.

Photo of starved peasants on a street in Kharkiv, 1933.

Starved peasants on a street in Kharkiv, 1933.

Diocesan Archive of Vienna

Why Ukrainians?

Economists cannot answer this question, but they offer theories for further study.

During collectivization and the Civil War, Ukrainians stubbornly resisted Soviet policies. The state oppressed Ukrainians as a means of controlling agriculture, which accounted for half of the USSR's GDP.

Ukraine and southern Russia were the most agriculturally productive regions. Collectivization ensured control of grain production and distribution, which was necessary for industrialization. By exporting grain, the Communist government paid for technology and employees for new factories.

"The basis of the national question, its inner essence, is still the question of the peasant. It explains that the peasantry represents the main army of the national movement and that without a peasant army, there is not and cannot be a powerful national movement. This is what they mean when they say that the national question is essentially a peasant question," Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin said in 1925.

"Every Ukrainian is a potential nationalist," said former Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev, recalling the words of Stalin's colleague Lazar Kaganovich, who headed the Communist Party of Ukraine from 1925 to 1928.

Communists thought that Ukrainians must be hiding grain from the government and, therefore, could be required to supply more grain to the USSR: they would find somewhere to hide grain and save themselves from starving to death. This may have been possible in 1928-1930, but not in 1932-1933. Similar logic led to the famine in China in 1959-1961: authorities were sure that peasants were hiding some of their crops, and that, afraid it would be confiscated, they did not report their harvests to the government. But in China, the famine killed without regard to nationality, while in the Soviet Union, Ukrainians were the primary victims, regardless of where they lived.


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Society

Sexual Violence In War: Listening And Healing — And Never Again

Three women who were victims of sexual violence during the Colombian Civil War recount their stories of struggle and survival. They speak up in the hopes that the judiciary will open a new case to bring justice to them and many more survivors of sexual abuse perpetrated during the conflict.

A gloved, raised fist contrasts against feminist artwork on a memorial monuement

Feminists protest against Colombian president Ivan Duque Maraquez and the police brutality that killed at least 45 during demonstrations in Bogota, Colombia on May 28, 2021.

Camilo Pardo Quintero

BOGOTA – Jennifer, Ludirlena and Diana suffered a living death at the hands of their aggressors. It was their self-love and resilience that saved them, after experiencing sexual violence during the nation’s civil war.

The Colombian government forgot about these women. But now, they are champions in a battle towards justice and dignity. With different perspectives, they manage to find a connection, something that will unite them forever: advocating so that no one else experiences what they endured.

All sides in the war perpetrated sexual violence. But in the case of these three women, it was specifically the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and United Self-Defences of Colombia (AUC) paramilitary groups who exerted power over their bodies, through the cruelty of their crimes.

These were not isolated incidents and, to the shame of our society, they remain a massive, forgotten outrage.

According to official records, during the war in Colombia there were 15,760 victims of sexual violence. Of that total, 61.8% were women, and another 30.8% were young girls and teenagers. Unfortunately, underreporting plays a significant role in these numbers. Organizations such as the Network of Women Victims and Professionals, the collective Focal Groups - Men Victims of Sexual Violence and the British organization All Survivors Project estimate that the real number may be as much as three times higher.

The three protagonists in our story show how armed conflict has marked the lives of thousands of women in Colombia. They are three voices among many that have come together to demand the opening of a "macro-case," or investigation into sexual violence through Colombia’s Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP), which would uncover the patterns of sexual and gender-based crimes among armed groups which have devastated entire communities.

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