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eyes on the U.S.

The Unique Role Of African Americans In Building A New U.S.-Africa Alliance

Recent allegations by the U.S. ambassador to South Africa that the African nation gave ammunition and weapons to Russia in December 2022, amid Russia’s war on Ukraine, illustrate the complexity of U.S.-Africa relations.

Teenagers and American tourists in Cape Town.

A group of teenagers lead American tourists through a government-funded housing development in Capetown, South Africa.

© Dahleen Glanton via Zuma
Asafa Jalata

Even as South Africa investigates those claims, the Biden administration is trying to strengthen ties with the African Union, a continental member organization, and 49 of Africa’s 54 countries, including South Africa, on geopolitical and commercial issues.

The only African countries the U.S. is not courting are four that were suspended from the African Union, and Eritrea, a country with which the United States doesn’t have a formal relationship.

The U.S. is making this grand African play as it competes with China to influence the continent’s future. And while this particular U.S.-China contest is relatively new, U.S. involvement in Africa is not.

The way the U.S. has been involved on the continent, though, has changed over time, depending on the era, U.S. interests and a particular African nation’s needs. In 1822, for example, the U.S. began to send freeborn African Americans and emancipated former enslaved African Americans to Africa, where they settled the colony that would eventually become Liberia. That settlement was originally governed by white Americans.


After Liberia became a self-governing, Black republic in 1847, it relied heavily on U.S. financial assistance. By 1870, that assistance came by way of high-interest loans.

Decolonization and U.S. interest in Africa

U.S. involvement with other African states took root after various countries, formerly governed by colonial powers, entered into self-rule. American policy objectives on the continent centered around U.S. strategic interests and came in the form of military and economic aid.

The U.S., for example, established diplomatic relationships with Egypt in 1922, Sudan in 1956 and Ghana in 1957, after those countries gained independence from the United Kingdom.

After the the Cold War ended, the U.S. lacked clear policy objectives toward Africa.

Beginning in the late 1950s, when other African countries gained independence, the U.S. formed diplomatic and commercial ties with them as well and worked to reduce the Soviet Union’s influence on the continent. In 1961 and 1962, the U.S. persuaded West African countries to deny the Soviet Union commercial flyover and landing rights in their territories.

After the the Cold War ended, the U.S. lacked clear policy objectives toward Africa, and interaction between the superpower and the continent waned.

U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris and South African President Cyril Ramaphosa.

United States Vice President Kamala Harris and President Cyril Ramaphosa of South Africa chat before holding discussions at the Vice President's Official Residence in Washington, DC

© Chris Kleponis - Pool via CNP

Renewed US interest in Africa

In the 21st century, the U.S. began to turn its attention back to Africa as a way of pushing its strategic interests and strengthening commercial and diplomatic ties with African countries.

In 2000, during the Clinton administration, Congress enacted the African Growth and Opportunity Act to open American markets to eligible African countries.

Then, in 2003, President George W. Bush launched the global health initiative, the U.S. President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, that has been the U.S.’s most significant action on the continent since its nearly 250-year enslavement of Africans - first as Colonial America, then the U.S. - from 1619 to 1865.

Known as PEPFAR, the initiative is credited with saving 21 million lives, mostly in Africa and the Caribbean.

More recently, the U.S. has held two U.S.-Africa Leaders Summits. President Barack Obama hosted the first one in 2014, and President Joe Biden held the second one in 2022. And, as part of the Biden administration’s Africa outreach, Vice President Kamala Harris visited Ghana, Tanzania and Zambia in March 2023 to discuss security and economic issues with leaders of those countries.

It’s not just about diplomacy

Yet, the relationships between the U.S. and African nations run deeper than government-to-government partnerships or aid.

As Biden said during the December 2022 U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit dinner: “Our people lie at the heart of the deep and profound connection that forever binds Africa and the United States together. We remember the stolen men and women and children who were brought to our shores in chains, subjected to unimaginable cruelty. My nation’s original sin was that period.”

As the U.S. courts Africa broadly, African countries, such as Sierra Leone, Liberia and others, are courting African Americans, encouraging them to visit, set up homes and establish businesses and economic ties in their ancestral homeland. No country has made more of an effort than Ghana, which, for example, is making special accommodation for Americans who purchase land there.

Invitation to the motherland

In 2000, the Ghanaian Parliament passed a Citizenship Act, which grants the right of dual citizenship to people of Ghanaian descent. African Americans have been able to trace their ancestry to Ghana and other African countries because of genetic testing. And the Immigration Act, passed the same year, includes a “Right of Abode” that allows anyone in the African diaspora to travel to and from the country freely.

Ghanaian leaders have made it clear that they want African Americans to invest in the country.

In September 2018, Nana Akufo-Addo, president of Ghana, announced a campaign commemorating the 400-year anniversary of the first enslaved Africans brought to Jamestown, Virginia, with a goal of spurring African American business, investment and tourism in the West African nation. Ghana has long promised African Americans and other people in the African diaspora dual citizenship rights and business opportunities. Ghanaian leaders have made it clear that they want African Americans and others to invest in the country.

Since the Year of Return, at least 1,500 African Americans have received citizenship rights in Ghana, and some 5,000 African Americans have made Ghana their permanent home.

The Ghanaian government launched another campaign in 2020 to increase tourism and investment in the country by people in the African diaspora, as well as to deepen social ties between Ghanaians and the diaspora.

Following Ghana’s playbook, in 2021, Senegal worked with African American business leaders to celebrate its first “The Return.” Held on June 19 that year, the event was a historic Juneteenth initiative, modeled after the American holiday to commemorate the end of slavery in the United States and encourage African American investment in the country.

Akufo-Addo may have sparked a 21st century resurgence of trans-Atlantic African appeals to African Americans and other people in the African diaspora.

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Geopolitics

Why China Has Bet On A Bigger (And Nastier) BRICS To Challenge The West

The BRICS economies' inclusion of new members like Iran may not make business sense, but it fits with the Sino-Russian strategy of drawing states of the Global South into their orbit in open confrontation with the U.S. and the rest of the West.

Photo of Chinese President Xi Jinping and Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi

Chinese President Xi Jinping meets with Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi on the sidelines of the 15th BRICS Summit in South Africa

Marcelo Cantelmi

-Analysis-

BUENOS AIRES — Last month's summit in Johannesburg of BRICS nations (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa), leading to a decision to expand the club, felt like geopolitical déjà vu. It recalled the 1960s Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) of Third World states that refused, apparently, to take sides in the Cold War, either with the capitalist West or Soviet-led communism.

NAM neutrality was limited, often deceptive, and became obsolete with the fall of the Communist bloc in the late 1980s. The dilemma of what was then called the Third World — now, the Global South — was in the stance it should take toward Russia, the successor state to the Soviet Union that shared few of its traits and goals. Ideologically, the end of communism confused NAM: It didn't know what to do with itself.

That is until now, with an apparent resuscitation of its spirit in BRICS (formed in 2009). Yet the idea of equidistance ends there, as BRICS is led by Russia and communist China and increasingly a part of their open challenge to Western hegemony.

Its founders include Brazil, which has its own agenda, and India. Both states have adopted their own versions of neutrality in the Ukrainian crisis, first in 2014 when Russia annexed Crimea from Ukraine,then after its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in Feb. 2022.

So far, says Oliver Stuenkel, a professor at Brazil's Getulio Vargas Foundation, the two states have resisted Russia's systematic bid to use an explicitly anti-Western vocabulary in BRICS documents. This, he says, would explain the vague tone of the group's resolutions.

South Africa, the last member to join the group (in 2010), is a lesser power in terms of economy and political clout. But it symbolizes the worldwide spirit the group would come to embody.

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