Why Japan's Tsunami Refugees Are Still Shut Out

Kamaishi in the aftermath
Kamaishi in the aftermath
Christoph Neidhart

KAMAISHITsukayo Ito lost everything in the tsunami three years ago.

Since the 2011 disaster, the 88-year-old geisha has been living in a settlement of containers in Kamaishi. On the walls of her tiny living room are the few photos that could be salvaged from the rubble. She has almost no possessions, but still the room is cramped.

“I’m small and I’m alone,” she says. “I manage.” For those with families, living in a tiny container is much more difficult.

Ito knows how important community spirit is in these settlements. The elderly people living alone are becoming increasingly isolated, and there are frequent reports of suicide. Geisha Ito puts on performances for the other refugees and teaches traditional dance. “I had dark thoughts at first, but now they’re getting brighter.”

It’s been three years since the disaster and still the refugees are no closer to moving into new homes. Until the local authorities decide how to protect the town from future tsunamis, new houses can’t even be planned.

Six months before the catastrophe, the city of Kamaishi unveiled the world’s largest tsunami wall. Seven meters (almost 23 feet) high and 1,960 meters (6,430 feet) long, the wall took 31 years to build and cost $1.5 billion. When the tsunami hit on March 11, 2011, many Kumaishi residents thought they were safe behind their Guinness World Record-breaking wall. But the wave just swept it aside.

Frustration builds

A few miles north of Kamaishi is the fishing village of Kirikiri. Shortly after the tsunami hit, retired mechanic Matsuhika Haga volunteered to organize the cleanup there. “We’re still not even close to finishing,” he says. The harbor looks the same as it did a year ago, with a boat fishing car tires, refrigerators and other household objects out of the water.

Haga’s house was only partly destroyed, and he was able to repair it with his savings and a grant from the state. He was allowed to do that, but not to build a new house. His friend Takayuki Kimura was not so lucky. The tsunami left no part of his house standing — only his substantial construction debts remained untouched.

As a 53-year-old without a job, Kimura has no chance of securing a new mortgage, so he has moved into a container with his elderly mother. “At least she has her friends. They have tea together every day,” he says. It is not just Kimura’s debts that may keep him living with his mother for a long time. The local authorities have not even begun to develop plans for new housing.

Like almost everywhere else along the coast, the controversial question here is the construction of a new tsunami wall, which has been approved in principle. Authorities in Tokyo are now planning to build a 12.8-meter (nearly 42 feet) wall at Kirikiri, with a 50-meter-wide (164 feet) base.

“In the first few months after the tsunami, almost everyone was in favor of it,” says Matsuhika Haga. “But now most people are against the idea.” No houses can be built in areas where tsunami walls are planned, which means that the refugees are at the mercy of the planners. It has been estimated that the wall at Kirikiri will take three years to build, but everyone here knows that’s wishful thinking.

Iron triangle

According to a survey by the Yomiuri newspaper, only 40% of tsunami refugees want to return to where they used to live. This is in part because there is no work there. Though the new walls will be financed by Tokyo, many people complain that the local economy won’t benefit from the construction work. Haga complains that “30% of the money will go to the big construction company, which will only make a few calls. Local builders will only get 20%.”

In Japan, the relationship between bureaucracy, the construction industry and politics is known as the “iron triangle.” Local authorities in Iwate will be responsible for financing any maintenance on the walls. “But they don’t have any money,” Haga says. “Fishermen live from the sea. You can’t just shut it out.”

Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, who has shown a taste for grand solutions, has decided to raise the ground level in most of the bays behind the new walls by up to 5 meters. This means houses that survived the tsunami will have to be torn down and rebuilt.

Japan is full of ambitious projects that never reach completion. There is a string of 40 large construction projects running simultaneously on the Sanriku coast, and construction has begun for the Tokyo Olympics. “Shoganai,” the locals say. In other words, “There’s nothing you can do.”

The construction sites along the Sanriku coast are stopping communities from helping themselves, and destroying what is left of the social structure there. Many young people are moving away, unwilling to wait for decades in the containers.

Above all, whether the walls are useful is still debatable. “People should consider themselves lucky if the walls even stay up,” says Tohoku University’s Professor Takao Suzuki. “The last earthquake severely weakened the ground in many places.” The heavy walls could fall down, damaging plants and wildlife and destroying mussel and sea snail fishing industries. The foundations would also have an impact on the ground water, he says. “If you separate the land so completely from the water, you damage both.”

The last tsunami was the fourth that Tsukayo Ito has survived. She still remembers the first, in 1933, when she was only eight years old. It came in the middle of the night. “Just like three years ago, someone pulled me out of the chaos,” she recalls.

And then the state began building higher walls between land and sea. Three years ago, these walls only made the disaster worse.

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How Thailand's Lèse-Majesté Law Is Used To Stifle All Protest

Once meant to protect the royal family, the century-old law has become a tool for the military-led government in Bangkok to stamp out all dissent. A new report outlines the abuses.

Pro-Democracy protest at The Criminal Court in Bangkok, Thailand

"We need to reform the institution of the monarchy in Thailand. It is the root of the problem." Those words, from Thai student activist Juthatip Sirikan, are a clear expression of the growing youth-led movement that is challenging the legitimacy of the government and demanding deep political changes in the Southeast Asian nation. Yet those very same words could also send Sirikan to jail.

Thailand's Criminal Code 'Lèse-Majesté' Article 112 imposes jail terms for defaming, insulting, or threatening the monarchy, with sentences of three to 15 years. This law has been present in Thai politics since 1908, though applied sparingly, only when direct verbal or written attacks against members of the royal family.

But after the May 2014 military coup d'état, Thailand experienced the first wave of lèse-majesté arrests, prosecutions, and detentions of at least 127 individuals arrested in a much wider interpretation of the law.

The recent report 'Second Wave: The Return of Lèse-Majesté in Thailand', documents how the Thai government has "used and abused Article 112 of the Criminal Code to target pro-democracy activists and protesters in relation to their online political expression and participation in peaceful pro-democracy demonstrations."

Criticism of any 'royal project'

The investigation shows 124 individuals, including at least eight minors, have been charged with lèse-majesté between November 2020 and August 2021. Nineteen of them served jail time. The new wave of charges is cited as a response to the rising pro-democracy protests across Thailand over the past year.

Juthatip Sirikan explains that the law is now being applied in such a broad way that people are not allowed to question government budgets and expenditure if they have any relationship with the royal family, which stifles criticism of the most basic government decision-making since there are an estimated 5,000 ongoing "royal" projects. "Article 112 of lèse-majesté could be the key (factor) in Thailand's political problems" the young activist argues.

In 2020 the Move Forward opposition party questioned royal spending paid by government departments, including nearly 3 billion baht (89,874,174 USD) from the Defense Ministry and Thai police for royal security, and 7 billion baht budgeted for royal development projects, as well as 38 planes and helicopters for the monarchy. Previously, on June 16, 2018, it was revealed that Thailand's Crown Property Bureau transferred its entire portfolio to the new King Maha Vajiralongkorn.

photo of graffiti of 112 crossed out on sidewalk

Protestors In Bangkok Call For Political Prisoner Release

Peerapon Boonyakiat/SOPA Images via ZUMA Wire

Freedom of speech at stake

"Article 112 shuts down all freedom of speech in this country", says Sirikan. "Even the political parties fear to touch the subject, so it blocks most things. This country cannot move anywhere if we still have this law."

The student activist herself was charged with lèse-majesté in September 2020, after simply citing a list of public documents that refer to royal family expenditure. Sirikan comes from a family that has faced the consequences of decades of political repression. Her grandfather, Tiang Sirikhan was a journalist and politician who openly protested against Thailand's involvement in World War II. He was accused of being a Communist and abducted in 1952. According to Sirikhan's family, he was killed by the state.

The new report was conducted by The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), Thai Lawyer for Human Rights (TLHR), and Internet Law Reform Dialogue (iLaw). It accuses Thai authorities of an increasingly broad interpretation of Article 112, to the point of "absurdity," including charges against people for criticizing the government's COVID-19 vaccine management, wearing crop tops, insulting the previous monarch, or quoting a United Nations statement about Article 112.

Activist in front of democracy monument in Thailand.

Shift to social media

While in the past the Article was only used against people who spoke about the royals, it's now being used as an alibi for more general political repression — which has also spurred more open campaigning to abolish it. Sirikan recounts recent cases of police charging people for spreading paint near the picture of the king during a protest, or even just for having a picture of the king as phone wallpaper.

The more than a century-old law is now largely playing out online, where much of today's protest takes place in Thailand. Sirikan says people are willing to go further on social media to expose information such as how the king intervenes in politics and the monarchy's accumulation of wealth, information the mainstream media rarely reports on them.

Not surprisingly, however, social media is heavily monitored and the military is involved in Intelligence operations and cyber attacks against human rights defenders and critics of any kind. In October 2020, Twitter took down 926 accounts, linked to the army and the government, which promoted themselves and attacked political opposition, and this June, Google removed two Maps with pictures, names, and addresses, of more than 400 people who were accused of insulting the Thai monarchy. "They are trying to control the internet as well," Sirikan says. "They are trying to censor every content that they find a threat".

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