Society

Vintage Location: Filmmakers Flock To France’s Bordeaux

A top tourist destination for the wine and rolling landscapes of the surrounding countryside, Bordeaux also attracts its fair share of international film and television producers, who are drawn by the French city’s special mix of modern and medieval. Amon

Streets of Bordeaux, France (mescon)
Streets of Bordeaux, France (mescon)
Frank Niedercorn

BORDEAUX — Horse-drawn carriages and stagecoaches, about 200 extras wearing 19th century costumes and an army of 65 technicians mill about near Bordeaux's Grosse Cloche and Cailhau doors, relics of the city's fortified walls.

It's summer in southern France, and American movie producers are in Bordeaux to film a Paramount adaptation of the fairy tale "Hansel and Gretel" by the brothers Grimm. Most of the scenes were shot in Germany, but some scenes needed to be shot in a location that could better represent Europe at the beginning of the 19th century. Bordeaux, it turns out, was the perfect choice.

This is not the city's first foray into the film business. In 1993, French filmmaker Patrice Chéreau chose Bordeaux to shoot his fourth movie, "La Reine Margot" (Queen Margaret). The film's famous St. Bartholomew Day massacre scene was filmed in Saint Michel and Saint Pierre, the city's oldest districts, whose narrow, winding streets and medieval buildings are perfectly reminiscent of 16th century Paris, where the real massacre occurred.

A timeless city

As the "Hansel and Gretel" crew discovered, Bordeaux can do a pretty good 18th century impression as well, especially along the banks of La Garonne or the Cours de l'Intendance thoroughfare, whose swelled facades feature all the architectural nuances of the era.

Director Jean-Christophe "Pitof" Comar shot many scenes from his 2000 film "Vidocq" along the La Garonne, as did Milos Forman for his 1989 movie "Valmont." "Bordeaux's architectural diversity makes you think of old Paris and its Haussmannien buildings," says Yane Lahaye, a member of a cultural association called the ECLA that collaborates with the audiovisual industry.

But Bordeaux can call also put on a modern face, thanks to its relatively recent tram system and improved facades. Director Josée Dayan chose the city to shoot his contemporary-set movie "Nos Retrouvailles' (Reencounter), starring Charles Berling and Fanny Ardant.

While the city's scenery seems to be the main attraction, subsidies and good working conditions also help attract film directors. Things here are less hectic than in Paris – less crowded, with fewer traffic jams. The municipal government is generous when it comes to issuing filming permits. Bordeaux is also full of qualified film technicians, who are sometimes willing to work for less than their Parisian counterparts.

Television producers have discovered Bordeaux as well. Undoubtedly less glamorous than big screen productions, television shows like "Section de Recherche" (Research Section) – a police drama aired on the private channel TF1 – are nevertheless a welcome source of revenue for the city. According to ECLA, such shows put about 13 euros into the local economy for every one euro invested by the city council.

Read the original article in French

Photo - mescon

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Geopolitics

How Thailand's Lèse-Majesté Law Is Used To Stifle All Protest

Once meant to protect the royal family, the century-old law has become a tool for the military-led government in Bangkok to stamp out all dissent. A new report outlines the abuses.

Pro-Democracy protest at The Criminal Court in Bangkok, Thailand

Laura Valentina Cortés Sierra

"We need to reform the institution of the monarchy in Thailand. It is the root of the problem." Those words, from Thai student activist Juthatip Sirikan, are a clear expression of the growing youth-led movement that is challenging the legitimacy of the government and demanding deep political changes in the Southeast Asian nation. Yet those very same words could also send Sirikan to jail.

Thailand's Criminal Code 'Lèse-Majesté' Article 112 imposes jail terms for defaming, insulting, or threatening the monarchy, with sentences of three to 15 years. This law has been present in Thai politics since 1908, though applied sparingly, only when direct verbal or written attacks against members of the royal family.


But after the May 2014 military coup d'état, Thailand experienced the first wave of lèse-majesté arrests, prosecutions, and detentions of at least 127 individuals arrested in a much wider interpretation of the law.

The recent report 'Second Wave: The Return of Lèse-Majesté in Thailand', documents how the Thai government has "used and abused Article 112 of the Criminal Code to target pro-democracy activists and protesters in relation to their online political expression and participation in peaceful pro-democracy demonstrations."

Criticism of any 'royal project'

The investigation shows 124 individuals, including at least eight minors, have been charged with lèse-majesté between November 2020 and August 2021. Nineteen of them served jail time. The new wave of charges is cited as a response to the rising pro-democracy protests across Thailand over the past year.

Juthatip Sirikan explains that the law is now being applied in such a broad way that people are not allowed to question government budgets and expenditure if they have any relationship with the royal family, which stifles criticism of the most basic government decision-making since there are an estimated 5,000 ongoing "royal" projects. "Article 112 of lèse-majesté could be the key (factor) in Thailand's political problems" the young activist argues.

In 2020 the Move Forward opposition party questioned royal spending paid by government departments, including nearly 3 billion baht (89,874,174 USD) from the Defense Ministry and Thai police for royal security, and 7 billion baht budgeted for royal development projects, as well as 38 planes and helicopters for the monarchy. Previously, on June 16, 2018, it was revealed that Thailand's Crown Property Bureau transferred its entire portfolio to the new King Maha Vajiralongkorn.

photo of graffiti of 112 crossed out on sidewalk

Protestors In Bangkok Call For Political Prisoner Release

Peerapon Boonyakiat/SOPA Images via ZUMA Wire

Freedom of speech at stake

"Article 112 shuts down all freedom of speech in this country", says Sirikan. "Even the political parties fear to touch the subject, so it blocks most things. This country cannot move anywhere if we still have this law."

The student activist herself was charged with lèse-majesté in September 2020, after simply citing a list of public documents that refer to royal family expenditure. Sirikan comes from a family that has faced the consequences of decades of political repression. Her grandfather, Tiang Sirikhan was a journalist and politician who openly protested against Thailand's involvement in World War II. He was accused of being a Communist and abducted in 1952. According to Sirikhan's family, he was killed by the state.

The new report was conducted by The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), Thai Lawyer for Human Rights (TLHR), and Internet Law Reform Dialogue (iLaw). It accuses Thai authorities of an increasingly broad interpretation of Article 112, to the point of "absurdity," including charges against people for criticizing the government's COVID-19 vaccine management, wearing crop tops, insulting the previous monarch, or quoting a United Nations statement about Article 112.

Juthatip Sirikan speaks in front of democracy monument.

Shift to social media

While in the past the Article was only used against people who spoke about the royals, it's now being used as an alibi for more general political repression — which has also spurred more open campaigning to abolish it. Sirikan recounts recent cases of police charging people for spreading paint near the picture of the king during a protest, or even just for having a picture of the king as phone wallpaper.

The more than a century-old law is now largely playing out online, where much of today's protest takes place in Thailand. Sirikan says people are willing to go further on social media to expose information such as how the king intervenes in politics and the monarchy's accumulation of wealth, information the mainstream media rarely reports on them.

Not surprisingly, however, social media is heavily monitored and the military is involved in Intelligence operations and cyber attacks against human rights defenders and critics of any kind. In October 2020, Twitter took down 926 accounts, linked to the army and the government, which promoted themselves and attacked political opposition, and this June, Google removed two Maps with pictures, names, and addresses, of more than 400 people who were accused of insulting the Thai monarchy. "They are trying to control the internet as well," Sirikan says. "They are trying to censor every content that they find a threat".

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